Tuesday, October 18, 2011
missing my gun-smoking hometown
There has been fresh fighting between ethnic KIO and Burmese regime in my hometown, Kachin State, northern Burma. Sometimes I want to join the KIO and fight against this oppressive Burmese regime. I belong to Kachin ethnic who are the majority in Kachin State, who is minority in other parts of Burma. Kachins are not allowed to have any political in 2010 Election because the regime knows the Kachin State Progressive Party would definitely win in Kachin State. I grew up in war-torn zone and hardly manage to get pass matriculation due to all kinds of crisises, thanks to my family's strong moral support on education. Over the past half-century, nothing has changed which mean nothing had developed across Burma, especially remote areas like my hometown in northern Burma. Ethnic groups like KIO made ceasefire with this regime hoping that there will be a political dialoge. This hope never happen. The regime only made ceasefire with KIO to destroy other ethnic rebels. KIO urged the regime to make nationwide ceasefire and host political talk but the regime now only turn back to KIO to refresh civil war. I grew up in war-torn zone but i am very peaceful person, want to solve only in non-violent means and serve my community which is one of the poorest and worst social dilemma in the world. I will go back to my gun-smoking hometown Soon!! I will miss you my friends
Tuesday, October 4, 2011
Burma Rivers Network response to China Power Investment Corporation comments on Myitsone dam
October 4, 2011
On October 3, Chinese media interviewed Lu Qizhou, the President of China Power Investment Corporation, about Burma’s Myitsone hydropower project. Below is a response to key points in the interview by the Burma Rivers Network.
Lu Qizhou: I also learnt about this through the media and I was totally astonished. Before this, the Myanmar side never communicated with us in any way about the "suspension"
BRN: The villagers at the dam site, numerous political and community organizations, international human rights organizations have attempted to contact CPI and discuss the concerns about the impacts and process of the project. Even though CPI never responded to all these attempts at dialogue, they cannot claim to be unaware of the feeling about this project by the people of Burma.
It is impossible that CPI could not have been aware that Burma is in the midst of civil war and that the Irrwaddy-Myitsone dams project is in an active conflict zone. The armed ethnic group in this area, the Kachin Independence Organisation, had directly warned the Chinese government that local people were against the project earlier this year and that proceeding with the dams could fuel further fighting.
Without national reconciliation and peace, all investments in Burma face these types of risks.
Lu Qizhou: “Ever since CPI and Myanmar Ministry of Electric Power No. 1 "MOEP (1)" signed the MOU in December 2006, CPI has always followed the principle of mutual respect, mutual benefit and win-win result”
BRN: Up to now all major investment projects in Burma are negotiated by Burma’s military government and the main benefit have gone to the military. Any win-win result has only been for the military and this is resented by the people of Burma. The lack of transparency by the military and foreign investors increases this resentment. The role and share of the Burmese companies should also be disclosed, including the benefits to Asia World Company and whether military holding companies, the Union of Myanmar Economic Holdings Ltd. (UMEHL) and the Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC), are involved.
Lu Qizhou: We hired topnotch hydropower design institutes, research institutes, consultancies and authoritative experts in China to carry out planning, design, specific study, consultation and supervision for the upstream-Ayeyawady hydropower project.
BRN: The impact assessment jointly carried out by the Chinese Changjiang Institute and the Burmese BANCA stated very clearly that the Myitsone dam should be scrapped and that the majority of the local people were against this project. Why did CPI hire “topnotch” institutes and then not follow their advice? The original EIA was completed in October 2009 which was only leaked earlier this year. CPI has just released an edited version of the EIA and dated it March 2010 which has deleted the key findings and recommendations.
Although it was recommended, the original assessment did not include a social impact assessment or an assessment of the impacts on the entire river, particularly downstream.
In the current political context, where there is civil war and where communities fear retribution by Burma’s military government, assessors are unable to genuinely access affected communities or collect reliable data.
Lu Qizhou: In February this year, Myanmar's Prime Minister (Thein Sein) urged us to accelerate the construction when he inspected the project site, so the sudden proposal of suspension now is very bewildering.
BRN: Thein Sein should explain his actions if he indeed wanted to accelerate the project. In addition the Burmese military government must disclose all agreements signed with CPI so that this is a transparent process for everyone to see.
Lu Qizhou: the upstream-Ayeyawady hydropower project is located near the China-Myanmar border, developing hydropower resources here not only can meet Myanmar's power demand for industrialization, but also can provide clean energy for China. It is based on this consideration that we decided to invest in this mutually beneficial and double winning hydropower project.
BRN: We understand that this is a double winning project for China as it can receive 90% of the energy from this dam while Burma has to bear all the social and economic costs.
Lu Qizhou: Myanmar government will gain economic benefits of USD54 billion via taxation, free electricity and share dividends, far more than CPI's return on investment during our operation period.
BRN: Over the past several years Burma’s military government has received billions in revenues from the sale of natural gas to Thailand, yet the country remains impoverished with some of the worst social and economic indicators in the world. The “economic benefits” therefore do not reach the broader public and do not contribute to the genuine development of the country.
Lu Qizhou: As far as I know, in the more than 100-year history of hydropower development, no flood or destructive earthquake has ever been caused by dam construction. We are able to ensure the safety of dam construction.
BRN: Given the increasing frequency and severity of earthquakes, there cannot be a guarantee of safety. No studies about the safety of the dam or about disaster preparation have been disclosed to the public.
The world’s worst dam disaster occurred in Henan Province in central China in 1975. Twenty years after the disaster, details started emerging that as many as 230,000 people may have died.
Lu Qizhou: It has become a common consensus that hydropower is the only renewable energy suitable for large-scale development now.
BRN: Rural communities in Burma and Kachin State are utilizing the appropriate technology of small hydropower to realize their electricity needs on their own. The Kachin capital of Myitkyina is one of the few cities in Burma that currently receives 24-hour electricity due to an existing small hydropower project. Decentralized management and the right of local people to manage and utilize the electricity generated by small hydro needs to be promoted in Burma, not large scale projects that are environmentally destructive and export electricity rather than using it domestically.
Lu Qizhou: The Myanmar government attaches significant importance to resettlement for the upstream-Ayeyawady hydropower project, and has effectively led and organized the planning, design and implementation of resettlement… According to the agreement, we assisted in the resettlement work and proactively fulfilled our social responsibilities and obligations, while fully respecting local religion, ethnic customs and the wish of migrants.
BRN: Villagers fear for their lives if they complain or resist relocation at the hands of armed military personnel and have thus been forced to give up their farmlands, accept inadequate compensation, and be herded into a relocation camp where there is not enough farmlands and water for livelihoods. People now either have no jobs or low-wage temporary jobs and they cannot continue cultural practices linked to their original homelands. Villagers living in the relocation camp are restricted in movement and are constantly under military surveillance.
Over 60 villages, approximately 15,000 people, will eventually be permanently displaced from their homelands due to the Irrawaddy Myitsone project. This dislocation will cause many secondary social problems including conflicts over jobs and land, and an increase in migration and trafficking to neighboring countries. Women will be particularly impacted.
Lu Qizhou: When Myitsone Hydropower Station is completed, it will effectively control and reduce the flood peak, raise the anti-flooding standard in downstream area, and reduce life and property losses caused by downstream flood on people living on both banks.
BRN: Water releases from hydroelectric dams are entirely dependent on the electricity generating needs of the electricity buyer. In this case, all seven dams of the Irrawaddy Myitsone project will serve China’s electricity needs, not the downstream agricultural, transportation or health needs of Burma. Chinese engineers running the dams will decide how much water to release downstream according to orders from Beijing, not Naypidaw. As seen with the Mekong, this can cause unexpected and devastating water surges and shortages.
Contact: Ah Nan - +66-848854154, Sai Sai - +66-884154386
Email – burmariversnetwork@gmail.com
Website – www.burmariversnetwork.org
On October 3, Chinese media interviewed Lu Qizhou, the President of China Power Investment Corporation, about Burma’s Myitsone hydropower project. Below is a response to key points in the interview by the Burma Rivers Network.
Lu Qizhou: I also learnt about this through the media and I was totally astonished. Before this, the Myanmar side never communicated with us in any way about the "suspension"
BRN: The villagers at the dam site, numerous political and community organizations, international human rights organizations have attempted to contact CPI and discuss the concerns about the impacts and process of the project. Even though CPI never responded to all these attempts at dialogue, they cannot claim to be unaware of the feeling about this project by the people of Burma.
It is impossible that CPI could not have been aware that Burma is in the midst of civil war and that the Irrwaddy-Myitsone dams project is in an active conflict zone. The armed ethnic group in this area, the Kachin Independence Organisation, had directly warned the Chinese government that local people were against the project earlier this year and that proceeding with the dams could fuel further fighting.
Without national reconciliation and peace, all investments in Burma face these types of risks.
Lu Qizhou: “Ever since CPI and Myanmar Ministry of Electric Power No. 1 "MOEP (1)" signed the MOU in December 2006, CPI has always followed the principle of mutual respect, mutual benefit and win-win result”
BRN: Up to now all major investment projects in Burma are negotiated by Burma’s military government and the main benefit have gone to the military. Any win-win result has only been for the military and this is resented by the people of Burma. The lack of transparency by the military and foreign investors increases this resentment. The role and share of the Burmese companies should also be disclosed, including the benefits to Asia World Company and whether military holding companies, the Union of Myanmar Economic Holdings Ltd. (UMEHL) and the Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC), are involved.
Lu Qizhou: We hired topnotch hydropower design institutes, research institutes, consultancies and authoritative experts in China to carry out planning, design, specific study, consultation and supervision for the upstream-Ayeyawady hydropower project.
BRN: The impact assessment jointly carried out by the Chinese Changjiang Institute and the Burmese BANCA stated very clearly that the Myitsone dam should be scrapped and that the majority of the local people were against this project. Why did CPI hire “topnotch” institutes and then not follow their advice? The original EIA was completed in October 2009 which was only leaked earlier this year. CPI has just released an edited version of the EIA and dated it March 2010 which has deleted the key findings and recommendations.
Although it was recommended, the original assessment did not include a social impact assessment or an assessment of the impacts on the entire river, particularly downstream.
In the current political context, where there is civil war and where communities fear retribution by Burma’s military government, assessors are unable to genuinely access affected communities or collect reliable data.
Lu Qizhou: In February this year, Myanmar's Prime Minister (Thein Sein) urged us to accelerate the construction when he inspected the project site, so the sudden proposal of suspension now is very bewildering.
BRN: Thein Sein should explain his actions if he indeed wanted to accelerate the project. In addition the Burmese military government must disclose all agreements signed with CPI so that this is a transparent process for everyone to see.
Lu Qizhou: the upstream-Ayeyawady hydropower project is located near the China-Myanmar border, developing hydropower resources here not only can meet Myanmar's power demand for industrialization, but also can provide clean energy for China. It is based on this consideration that we decided to invest in this mutually beneficial and double winning hydropower project.
BRN: We understand that this is a double winning project for China as it can receive 90% of the energy from this dam while Burma has to bear all the social and economic costs.
Lu Qizhou: Myanmar government will gain economic benefits of USD54 billion via taxation, free electricity and share dividends, far more than CPI's return on investment during our operation period.
BRN: Over the past several years Burma’s military government has received billions in revenues from the sale of natural gas to Thailand, yet the country remains impoverished with some of the worst social and economic indicators in the world. The “economic benefits” therefore do not reach the broader public and do not contribute to the genuine development of the country.
Lu Qizhou: As far as I know, in the more than 100-year history of hydropower development, no flood or destructive earthquake has ever been caused by dam construction. We are able to ensure the safety of dam construction.
BRN: Given the increasing frequency and severity of earthquakes, there cannot be a guarantee of safety. No studies about the safety of the dam or about disaster preparation have been disclosed to the public.
The world’s worst dam disaster occurred in Henan Province in central China in 1975. Twenty years after the disaster, details started emerging that as many as 230,000 people may have died.
Lu Qizhou: It has become a common consensus that hydropower is the only renewable energy suitable for large-scale development now.
BRN: Rural communities in Burma and Kachin State are utilizing the appropriate technology of small hydropower to realize their electricity needs on their own. The Kachin capital of Myitkyina is one of the few cities in Burma that currently receives 24-hour electricity due to an existing small hydropower project. Decentralized management and the right of local people to manage and utilize the electricity generated by small hydro needs to be promoted in Burma, not large scale projects that are environmentally destructive and export electricity rather than using it domestically.
Lu Qizhou: The Myanmar government attaches significant importance to resettlement for the upstream-Ayeyawady hydropower project, and has effectively led and organized the planning, design and implementation of resettlement… According to the agreement, we assisted in the resettlement work and proactively fulfilled our social responsibilities and obligations, while fully respecting local religion, ethnic customs and the wish of migrants.
BRN: Villagers fear for their lives if they complain or resist relocation at the hands of armed military personnel and have thus been forced to give up their farmlands, accept inadequate compensation, and be herded into a relocation camp where there is not enough farmlands and water for livelihoods. People now either have no jobs or low-wage temporary jobs and they cannot continue cultural practices linked to their original homelands. Villagers living in the relocation camp are restricted in movement and are constantly under military surveillance.
Over 60 villages, approximately 15,000 people, will eventually be permanently displaced from their homelands due to the Irrawaddy Myitsone project. This dislocation will cause many secondary social problems including conflicts over jobs and land, and an increase in migration and trafficking to neighboring countries. Women will be particularly impacted.
Lu Qizhou: When Myitsone Hydropower Station is completed, it will effectively control and reduce the flood peak, raise the anti-flooding standard in downstream area, and reduce life and property losses caused by downstream flood on people living on both banks.
BRN: Water releases from hydroelectric dams are entirely dependent on the electricity generating needs of the electricity buyer. In this case, all seven dams of the Irrawaddy Myitsone project will serve China’s electricity needs, not the downstream agricultural, transportation or health needs of Burma. Chinese engineers running the dams will decide how much water to release downstream according to orders from Beijing, not Naypidaw. As seen with the Mekong, this can cause unexpected and devastating water surges and shortages.
Contact: Ah Nan - +66-848854154, Sai Sai - +66-884154386
Email – burmariversnetwork@gmail.com
Website – www.burmariversnetwork.org
Tuesday, May 24, 2011
Tuesday, May 10, 2011
The sacred and the secular
A secular democratic state is needed to provide governance in the Muslim world.
Asef Bayat Last Modified: 09 May 2011 12:14
A secular democratic state secures the rights of non-religious people and religious minorities [EPA]
The presence of religion in public space challenges our ideas about the roles of faith in our lives and politics. Over the past few centuries, proponents of secularisation have claimed that, as societies modernise, the role of religion in public and private life diminishes. For them, modern rationality, science, and the ideal of representative governments as sovereign, replace religion as a source of authority, regulation and security.
But a new claim is that religion is necessary for us today - not despite modernity - but precisely because of it. Religion is required in the public space, it is argued, because only faith can amend the deficits and alleviate the pain caused by modern life. Since the 1970s, the secularisation thesis has been forced onto the defensive as a tide of religiosity - often "fundamentalist" in nature - gained renewed influence in the major traditions, including Christianity, Hinduism, Islam, and Judaism. Religion has thus returned to overtly public and political matters.
But how closely can sacred teachings inform politics and governance? The prism of the mostly Muslim Middle East shows how the public role of religion has varied over time. In the late 19th century, several religious movements emerged in the Middle East in response to Islam's encounter with modernity and the European colonial conquest. Traditionalists, such as Wahhabis, sought to preserve their culturally specific Islamic heritage. The modernist trend, spearheaded by cosmopolitan leaders, such as Jamal eddin Afghani and Mohammad Abdou, advocated an evolving Islam that would coexist and flourish within this emerging modernity. And, some people demanded separating Islam from the state entirely.
Middle East Muslim public life has, for more than a century, been the site of rivalry between a minority wanting to entirely secularise their societies, and Islamic traditionalists or fundamentalists, who oppose many modern ideas and civil institutions. Meanwhile, the majority of ordinary people have tried in their daily lives to marry their modern aspirations for basic rights and better material lives with their religious traditions.
The 1970s brought revived and aggressive religious engagement in society and politics. Iran's Islamic Revolution of 1979 bolstered a new global era of religious politics in the Middle East and beyond, by offering a tangible model of Islamic rule. That same year, Islamic militants seized the Grand Mosque of Mecca in a failed effort to dislodge the Saudi rulers.
The shocking assault spurred radicalisation and accelerated the rivalry between Wahhabi and Salafi trends. By the mid-1990s, the public space in the Middle East was dominated by Islamic movements, institutions and sensibilities - in mosques, the media, NGOs, the education apparatus, the judiciary - and in the streets. More concretely, religious groups in the Sudan, Saudi Arabia, Afghanistan and Iran ruled through Islamic states.
But the realisation of an Islamic state carries within it contradictory seeds of its own decline. History has shown that religious states of any faith inevitably lead to the secularisation of theology. For leaders, religious or not, they must respond to day-to-day demands of governance. Sacred injunctions are bent, revised, or cast aside to accommodate the requisites of governance or merely to justify power.
As in Iran, authorities will ignore laws, including the constitution, or ban people's religious obligations, if this is deemed necessary to secure the "religious" state. Religion thus descends from the height of devotion and spirituality to be a pliable instrument to serve secular objectives.
Cynical secularisation of the sacred by the "Islamic" states is alienating many Muslim citizens. Secular, faithful, and even many members of the ulema [Muslim spiritual leaders] have pleaded for the separation of religion from the state, in order to restore both the sanctity of religion and the rationality of the state. Most of them are seeking a post-Islamist trajectory where faith is merged with freedom, and Islam with democracy, in which a civil democratic state can work within a pious society. Examples in the Muslim world, from Indonesia's Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), to Morocco's Justice and Development Party, as well as the current "Arab Spring", are pointing toward post-Islamist polities.
For Muslim societies, not modernising is no longer an option. Only a secular democratic state respecting basic human rights for all can provide good and modern governance for the faithful and the secular alike. Under a secular democratic state, religion can flourish while non-religious people and religious minorities remain secure.
Asef Bayat is a professor of sociology and Middle East studies at the University of Illinois. His latest book, Life as Politics: How Ordinary People Change the Middle East (2010), is published by Stanford University Press.
The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera's editorial policy
http://english.aljazeera.net/indepth/opinion/2011/04/201142511311268256.html
Asef Bayat Last Modified: 09 May 2011 12:14
A secular democratic state secures the rights of non-religious people and religious minorities [EPA]
The presence of religion in public space challenges our ideas about the roles of faith in our lives and politics. Over the past few centuries, proponents of secularisation have claimed that, as societies modernise, the role of religion in public and private life diminishes. For them, modern rationality, science, and the ideal of representative governments as sovereign, replace religion as a source of authority, regulation and security.
But a new claim is that religion is necessary for us today - not despite modernity - but precisely because of it. Religion is required in the public space, it is argued, because only faith can amend the deficits and alleviate the pain caused by modern life. Since the 1970s, the secularisation thesis has been forced onto the defensive as a tide of religiosity - often "fundamentalist" in nature - gained renewed influence in the major traditions, including Christianity, Hinduism, Islam, and Judaism. Religion has thus returned to overtly public and political matters.
But how closely can sacred teachings inform politics and governance? The prism of the mostly Muslim Middle East shows how the public role of religion has varied over time. In the late 19th century, several religious movements emerged in the Middle East in response to Islam's encounter with modernity and the European colonial conquest. Traditionalists, such as Wahhabis, sought to preserve their culturally specific Islamic heritage. The modernist trend, spearheaded by cosmopolitan leaders, such as Jamal eddin Afghani and Mohammad Abdou, advocated an evolving Islam that would coexist and flourish within this emerging modernity. And, some people demanded separating Islam from the state entirely.
Middle East Muslim public life has, for more than a century, been the site of rivalry between a minority wanting to entirely secularise their societies, and Islamic traditionalists or fundamentalists, who oppose many modern ideas and civil institutions. Meanwhile, the majority of ordinary people have tried in their daily lives to marry their modern aspirations for basic rights and better material lives with their religious traditions.
The 1970s brought revived and aggressive religious engagement in society and politics. Iran's Islamic Revolution of 1979 bolstered a new global era of religious politics in the Middle East and beyond, by offering a tangible model of Islamic rule. That same year, Islamic militants seized the Grand Mosque of Mecca in a failed effort to dislodge the Saudi rulers.
The shocking assault spurred radicalisation and accelerated the rivalry between Wahhabi and Salafi trends. By the mid-1990s, the public space in the Middle East was dominated by Islamic movements, institutions and sensibilities - in mosques, the media, NGOs, the education apparatus, the judiciary - and in the streets. More concretely, religious groups in the Sudan, Saudi Arabia, Afghanistan and Iran ruled through Islamic states.
But the realisation of an Islamic state carries within it contradictory seeds of its own decline. History has shown that religious states of any faith inevitably lead to the secularisation of theology. For leaders, religious or not, they must respond to day-to-day demands of governance. Sacred injunctions are bent, revised, or cast aside to accommodate the requisites of governance or merely to justify power.
As in Iran, authorities will ignore laws, including the constitution, or ban people's religious obligations, if this is deemed necessary to secure the "religious" state. Religion thus descends from the height of devotion and spirituality to be a pliable instrument to serve secular objectives.
Cynical secularisation of the sacred by the "Islamic" states is alienating many Muslim citizens. Secular, faithful, and even many members of the ulema [Muslim spiritual leaders] have pleaded for the separation of religion from the state, in order to restore both the sanctity of religion and the rationality of the state. Most of them are seeking a post-Islamist trajectory where faith is merged with freedom, and Islam with democracy, in which a civil democratic state can work within a pious society. Examples in the Muslim world, from Indonesia's Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), to Morocco's Justice and Development Party, as well as the current "Arab Spring", are pointing toward post-Islamist polities.
For Muslim societies, not modernising is no longer an option. Only a secular democratic state respecting basic human rights for all can provide good and modern governance for the faithful and the secular alike. Under a secular democratic state, religion can flourish while non-religious people and religious minorities remain secure.
Asef Bayat is a professor of sociology and Middle East studies at the University of Illinois. His latest book, Life as Politics: How Ordinary People Change the Middle East (2010), is published by Stanford University Press.
The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera's editorial policy
http://english.aljazeera.net/indepth/opinion/2011/04/201142511311268256.html
Saturday, April 23, 2011
Tortured by Tradition
Tortured by tradition
Give our young more than we've received
* Published: 24/04/2011 at 12:00 AM
*Bangkok Post
She's 12 years old. She has three older brothers. They are now 27, 18 and 15 years old. It started with the middle brother. He was the first to rape her. The oldest brother eventually found out. He didn't put a stop to it. He too raped her. One day, by chance, the youngest brother saw her being raped. So he too raped her.
It went on for three years, which means she was first raped when she was nine years old. Two weeks ago, she went to see a doctor because of a viral infection. The doctor found out the truth. The authorities were informed. The brothers were arrested. The story became news.
Last week, officials went to visit the girl at her home. She was not there. Her ''guardians'' had kicked her out of the house. This was because she told on her brothers; because she has brought shame to the family.
This latter story was published only in Thai Rath newspaper, confined to a few precious inches. The reporter happened to stumble upon the story while following Social Development and Human Security Minister Issara Somchai when he tried visiting the girl.
The reporter used the term ''guardians'', not ''parents''.
The report also said that the girl's teacher has since put her in a children's home, where she would be safer, especially since her 15-year-old brother has been released on bail.
This story surfaced when the entire Kingdom's attention was focused on three girls who danced topless in Silom during Songkran celebrations. Authorities expressed outrage, commenters plastered their consternation all over web boards and venom spewed forth from officials and well known figures.
All of this was for the three topless girls. As for the unfortunate 12-year-old, her tragedy was no longer worthy of the front page; her tears weren't worthy of the talk shows.
Sure, we cried foul when we first heard of the rapes. But perhaps the more despicable crime that few are talking about is the crime of her ''guardians''. Further within the realm of despicability is the fact that we so conveniently forgot about her, while instead obsessing over three pairs of teenage breasts.
Three years of rape _ how could the ''guardians'' not know? Three years of rape, and they put the blame on a 12-year-old girl. They kicked her out of the house.
Our society likes to throw around the words ''culture'' and ''tradition'' as if they are ping-pong balls at a Patpong go-go bar. ''They've corrupted our culture,'' they scream. ''They've shamed our tradition,'' they scold.
Not so. Songkran was corrupted the day we decided to turn it into a money-making business. It was shamed the day we thought it should become a tourist attraction. Both of which, I don't think are big deals.
Are culture and tradition always so good? This I will tell you: The blame the ''guardians'' put on the 12-year-old girl, raped for three years by her three brothers, also comes down to culture and tradition.
She shouldn't have brought shame to the family. She shouldn't have caused the loss of face. A good Thai daughter must keep skeletons in the closet - see no evil, hear no evil and speak no evil. Instead, she must suffer in silence under all the evil. It's called filial duty.
Ask someone who works for a women's rights group. Talk with anyone who works for a children's rights group. They will tell you the horror stories of culture and tradition.
Daughters forced into prostitution, because filial duty dictates that they obey their parents and help the family.
Daughters forced into having sex with stepfathers, because filial duty dictates that they are slaves to the provider of the household. So show your gratitude.
Daughters who become pregnant, whether by rape or consensual sex, but get kicked out of the house because they have brought shame to the family.
Study history and you will find out that if you fancy a girl, all you have to do is kidnap and rape her, and her family would be obliged to offer you their daughter's hand in marriage. This is to save face and family honour.
And don't for one second think that such beliefs and practices don't persist, or that they're not accepted by many in our society today. After all, this is a matter of culture and tradition.
In 2010, the Pavena Hongsakula Foundation reported 7,855 cases of abuse, the highest number in 11 years. That is some 22 instances of abuse per day, almost one an hour. Here is a rundown of some of the reported cases.
Of rape and molestation, there were 635 cases, the highest number in 11 years. The youngest victim was three years old and the oldest was 60. Most of the perpetrators were relatives, stepfathers being the main culprits.
Of torture and imprisonment, there were 558 cases, the highest number in 11 years. The youngest victim was three days old and the oldest was 68 years old.
Of forced prostitution, there were 172 cases, the highest number in 11 years. The youngest victim was eight years old and the oldest was 40.
Bear in mind that these are only the cases that have been reported to the Pavena Hongsakula Foundation. There are many other foundations with their own documented horror stories.
To this day, society's focus is still on the topless dancing girls.
News reports on Friday said the Metropolitan Police Bureau has ordered a clampdown on girls dancing topless in public and the distribution of video clips showing such acts. Has anyone ordered a ''clampdown'' on the ''guardians'' of the 12-year-old girl?
The cabinet has been given 457 billion baht for 75 new planes for Thai Airways. How much has been given to save our children?
The cabinet has given the army 882 million baht for 13,331 guns and 4.3 billion baht for around 100 Ukrainian armoured personnel carriers. How much has been given to save our children?
Mr Issara went to see the 12-year-old girl last week to give her 2,000 baht ''to start with''. Hopefully there will be more.
The horror stories involving children are not just limited to those who have been raped, molested, kidnapped and tortured. There are also those we see every day when we walk on the pavements or drive down the streets.
The little four year old begging on the pavement at Siam Square, while privileged children - with their BlackBerries and iPhones, in high heels and pointed shoes, covered head-to-toe in skin-whitening cream - walk by without so much as a glance.
The little eight year old selling garlands at the Asoke intersection as luxury cars zoom by - driven by people who just ignore her existence, or simply shoo her away if they are stopped at the light. Heaven forbid that dirty little prai taint their shiny paint job.
We are a society that is well-practised at pointing the finger and condemning when the supposed ''crime'' is no more than just being different, no more than simply having a different set of personal values. It's a culture of ignorance and intolerance.
Add to that our apathy, our refusal to acknowledge the real evils in society, for fear of losing face, of tainting our image, and we have a tradition that is hell-bent on denying that most basic trait of any society: evolution.
I couldn't find out how much of the country's resources are being devoted to helping our unfortunate children, but why leave it to the government to help? Each and every one of us can do our part. There are agencies that help children who are victims of abuse, providing them with shelter, care and education. We all can find out how we can lend a hand at the Public Welfare Department (02-246-8652, 02-247-9485) or at the Children's Foundation (02-539-4041, 02-538-6227).
Give our children better than we've received.
Make humanity a part of our culture and tradition.
Contact Voranai Vanijaka via email at voranaiv@bangkokpost.co.th
Give our young more than we've received
* Published: 24/04/2011 at 12:00 AM
*Bangkok Post
She's 12 years old. She has three older brothers. They are now 27, 18 and 15 years old. It started with the middle brother. He was the first to rape her. The oldest brother eventually found out. He didn't put a stop to it. He too raped her. One day, by chance, the youngest brother saw her being raped. So he too raped her.
It went on for three years, which means she was first raped when she was nine years old. Two weeks ago, she went to see a doctor because of a viral infection. The doctor found out the truth. The authorities were informed. The brothers were arrested. The story became news.
Last week, officials went to visit the girl at her home. She was not there. Her ''guardians'' had kicked her out of the house. This was because she told on her brothers; because she has brought shame to the family.
This latter story was published only in Thai Rath newspaper, confined to a few precious inches. The reporter happened to stumble upon the story while following Social Development and Human Security Minister Issara Somchai when he tried visiting the girl.
The reporter used the term ''guardians'', not ''parents''.
The report also said that the girl's teacher has since put her in a children's home, where she would be safer, especially since her 15-year-old brother has been released on bail.
This story surfaced when the entire Kingdom's attention was focused on three girls who danced topless in Silom during Songkran celebrations. Authorities expressed outrage, commenters plastered their consternation all over web boards and venom spewed forth from officials and well known figures.
All of this was for the three topless girls. As for the unfortunate 12-year-old, her tragedy was no longer worthy of the front page; her tears weren't worthy of the talk shows.
Sure, we cried foul when we first heard of the rapes. But perhaps the more despicable crime that few are talking about is the crime of her ''guardians''. Further within the realm of despicability is the fact that we so conveniently forgot about her, while instead obsessing over three pairs of teenage breasts.
Three years of rape _ how could the ''guardians'' not know? Three years of rape, and they put the blame on a 12-year-old girl. They kicked her out of the house.
Our society likes to throw around the words ''culture'' and ''tradition'' as if they are ping-pong balls at a Patpong go-go bar. ''They've corrupted our culture,'' they scream. ''They've shamed our tradition,'' they scold.
Not so. Songkran was corrupted the day we decided to turn it into a money-making business. It was shamed the day we thought it should become a tourist attraction. Both of which, I don't think are big deals.
Are culture and tradition always so good? This I will tell you: The blame the ''guardians'' put on the 12-year-old girl, raped for three years by her three brothers, also comes down to culture and tradition.
She shouldn't have brought shame to the family. She shouldn't have caused the loss of face. A good Thai daughter must keep skeletons in the closet - see no evil, hear no evil and speak no evil. Instead, she must suffer in silence under all the evil. It's called filial duty.
Ask someone who works for a women's rights group. Talk with anyone who works for a children's rights group. They will tell you the horror stories of culture and tradition.
Daughters forced into prostitution, because filial duty dictates that they obey their parents and help the family.
Daughters forced into having sex with stepfathers, because filial duty dictates that they are slaves to the provider of the household. So show your gratitude.
Daughters who become pregnant, whether by rape or consensual sex, but get kicked out of the house because they have brought shame to the family.
Study history and you will find out that if you fancy a girl, all you have to do is kidnap and rape her, and her family would be obliged to offer you their daughter's hand in marriage. This is to save face and family honour.
And don't for one second think that such beliefs and practices don't persist, or that they're not accepted by many in our society today. After all, this is a matter of culture and tradition.
In 2010, the Pavena Hongsakula Foundation reported 7,855 cases of abuse, the highest number in 11 years. That is some 22 instances of abuse per day, almost one an hour. Here is a rundown of some of the reported cases.
Of rape and molestation, there were 635 cases, the highest number in 11 years. The youngest victim was three years old and the oldest was 60. Most of the perpetrators were relatives, stepfathers being the main culprits.
Of torture and imprisonment, there were 558 cases, the highest number in 11 years. The youngest victim was three days old and the oldest was 68 years old.
Of forced prostitution, there were 172 cases, the highest number in 11 years. The youngest victim was eight years old and the oldest was 40.
Bear in mind that these are only the cases that have been reported to the Pavena Hongsakula Foundation. There are many other foundations with their own documented horror stories.
To this day, society's focus is still on the topless dancing girls.
News reports on Friday said the Metropolitan Police Bureau has ordered a clampdown on girls dancing topless in public and the distribution of video clips showing such acts. Has anyone ordered a ''clampdown'' on the ''guardians'' of the 12-year-old girl?
The cabinet has been given 457 billion baht for 75 new planes for Thai Airways. How much has been given to save our children?
The cabinet has given the army 882 million baht for 13,331 guns and 4.3 billion baht for around 100 Ukrainian armoured personnel carriers. How much has been given to save our children?
Mr Issara went to see the 12-year-old girl last week to give her 2,000 baht ''to start with''. Hopefully there will be more.
The horror stories involving children are not just limited to those who have been raped, molested, kidnapped and tortured. There are also those we see every day when we walk on the pavements or drive down the streets.
The little four year old begging on the pavement at Siam Square, while privileged children - with their BlackBerries and iPhones, in high heels and pointed shoes, covered head-to-toe in skin-whitening cream - walk by without so much as a glance.
The little eight year old selling garlands at the Asoke intersection as luxury cars zoom by - driven by people who just ignore her existence, or simply shoo her away if they are stopped at the light. Heaven forbid that dirty little prai taint their shiny paint job.
We are a society that is well-practised at pointing the finger and condemning when the supposed ''crime'' is no more than just being different, no more than simply having a different set of personal values. It's a culture of ignorance and intolerance.
Add to that our apathy, our refusal to acknowledge the real evils in society, for fear of losing face, of tainting our image, and we have a tradition that is hell-bent on denying that most basic trait of any society: evolution.
I couldn't find out how much of the country's resources are being devoted to helping our unfortunate children, but why leave it to the government to help? Each and every one of us can do our part. There are agencies that help children who are victims of abuse, providing them with shelter, care and education. We all can find out how we can lend a hand at the Public Welfare Department (02-246-8652, 02-247-9485) or at the Children's Foundation (02-539-4041, 02-538-6227).
Give our children better than we've received.
Make humanity a part of our culture and tradition.
Contact Voranai Vanijaka via email at voranaiv@bangkokpost.co.th
Wednesday, April 20, 2011
'Australia Awards - Development Awards'
Hi Colleagues and friends,
Following a successful pilot in 2010, it is our pleasure to draw your
attention to the 2011 'Australia Awards - Development Awards' (Australian
Government scholarship opportunities) that are currently open to Myanmar
applicants. Please see http://www.ausaid.gov.au/scholar/pdf/burma.pdf for
the details and further questions can be directed to
scholarships.rangoon@dfat.gov.au.
Please feel free to pass this information within your organisation, and to
any exceptional external counterparts who may be interested.
Best regards,
Jillian Ray and Shaanti Sekhon
Australian Agency for International Development (AusAID)
Australian Embassy
88 Strand Road Yangon, Myanmar
Phone:+95 (0) 1 251810 ext 203 I Fax: +95 (0) 1 246159 I Mobile: +95 (0) 9
5414858
Email: jillian.ray@dfat.gov.au
Web: www.ausaid.gov.au
Following a successful pilot in 2010, it is our pleasure to draw your
attention to the 2011 'Australia Awards - Development Awards' (Australian
Government scholarship opportunities) that are currently open to Myanmar
applicants. Please see http://www.ausaid.gov.au/scholar/pdf/burma.pdf for
the details and further questions can be directed to
scholarships.rangoon@dfat.gov.au.
Please feel free to pass this information within your organisation, and to
any exceptional external counterparts who may be interested.
Best regards,
Jillian Ray and Shaanti Sekhon
Australian Agency for International Development (AusAID)
Australian Embassy
88 Strand Road Yangon, Myanmar
Phone:+95 (0) 1 251810 ext 203 I Fax: +95 (0) 1 246159 I Mobile: +95 (0) 9
5414858
Email: jillian.ray@dfat.gov.au
Web: www.ausaid.gov.au
Thursday, April 14, 2011
Thai education needs overhaul
14/04/2011 at 12:00 AM
Bangkok Post EDITORIAL
Thai students have over these past several years brought fame to the country and their educational institutions, by their outstanding performance in international competitions. Some of these extraordinary achievements included: Thai vocational students won the Harbin International Collegiate Snow Sculpture Contest championship in January this year and the year before; the King Mongkut's University of Technology (North Bangkok) won the championship prize of the World Robocup Rescue (rescue robot) contest held annually, for three years in a row since 2009; Thai students bagged altogether 27 medals, including 10 golds, in the International Mathematics and Science Olympiad for Primary Schools 2010 held in Bali, Indonesia; and a year earlier, 36 primary and junior high Thai students swept altogether 55 medals at the Asia Inter-Cities Mathematics Olympiad held in the Philippines. The list goes on.
These remarkable achievements in international contests may give an impression that the Thai educational system is quite excellent and the quality of education here is top grade. But that is just an illusion.
A closer look at all the Thai competitors reveals that most of them came from a few prestigious schools in Bangkok, namely the Sathit demonstration schools and they represent the cream of Thai students. Which must be the case for the other competitors from other countries - that is, only the top students are chosen to represent their countries.
What is rather disappointing and worrisome is that there is so much discrepancy between these minority top students and the majority who are at the bottom, with not so many rated in the middle. The recent results of the ordinary national educational tests for senior high school students, or O-net (Ordinary National Education Test), is an eye-opener regarding the Thai educational system and its quality of education, even though it is not used as the official barometer.
To several critics, including a well-known columnist at Thai Rath daily, the O-net result has been a real shock. About 350,000 senior high students across the country sat the tests in 8 basic subjects, including mathematics, science, Thai and English languages, arts and social science. Out of a score of 100 for each subject, the students scored an average of less than 50 in all the 8 subjects. For instance, the average score was 14.99 for math; 19.22 for English; 42.61 for Thai language and 30.90 for science.
One educator blamed the poor performance on the test papers; he said the papers were prepared by teachers from Sathit demonstration school and most of the questions were too difficult for the students to even understand. Others said many students did not care about the tests, which had no impact on their admission to universities.
Even if the tests were difficult, the below-par performance remains unacceptable. Something is terribly wrong somewhere - be it the educational system, the quality of teachers, or the students themselves, or all of them combined. Which needs to be fixed urgently and earnestly.
One thing that is undeniable and which poses a real problem for the quality of Thai education, is the quality of teachers at most state schools and institutions of higher learning. It was once suggested that the teachers themselves be made to sit the O-net tests to find out if they are even qualified to teach.The O-net results should serve as a wake-up call for the Education Ministry, which must realise the urgent need to overhaul the Thai educational system.
Bangkok Post EDITORIAL
Thai students have over these past several years brought fame to the country and their educational institutions, by their outstanding performance in international competitions. Some of these extraordinary achievements included: Thai vocational students won the Harbin International Collegiate Snow Sculpture Contest championship in January this year and the year before; the King Mongkut's University of Technology (North Bangkok) won the championship prize of the World Robocup Rescue (rescue robot) contest held annually, for three years in a row since 2009; Thai students bagged altogether 27 medals, including 10 golds, in the International Mathematics and Science Olympiad for Primary Schools 2010 held in Bali, Indonesia; and a year earlier, 36 primary and junior high Thai students swept altogether 55 medals at the Asia Inter-Cities Mathematics Olympiad held in the Philippines. The list goes on.
These remarkable achievements in international contests may give an impression that the Thai educational system is quite excellent and the quality of education here is top grade. But that is just an illusion.
A closer look at all the Thai competitors reveals that most of them came from a few prestigious schools in Bangkok, namely the Sathit demonstration schools and they represent the cream of Thai students. Which must be the case for the other competitors from other countries - that is, only the top students are chosen to represent their countries.
What is rather disappointing and worrisome is that there is so much discrepancy between these minority top students and the majority who are at the bottom, with not so many rated in the middle. The recent results of the ordinary national educational tests for senior high school students, or O-net (Ordinary National Education Test), is an eye-opener regarding the Thai educational system and its quality of education, even though it is not used as the official barometer.
To several critics, including a well-known columnist at Thai Rath daily, the O-net result has been a real shock. About 350,000 senior high students across the country sat the tests in 8 basic subjects, including mathematics, science, Thai and English languages, arts and social science. Out of a score of 100 for each subject, the students scored an average of less than 50 in all the 8 subjects. For instance, the average score was 14.99 for math; 19.22 for English; 42.61 for Thai language and 30.90 for science.
One educator blamed the poor performance on the test papers; he said the papers were prepared by teachers from Sathit demonstration school and most of the questions were too difficult for the students to even understand. Others said many students did not care about the tests, which had no impact on their admission to universities.
Even if the tests were difficult, the below-par performance remains unacceptable. Something is terribly wrong somewhere - be it the educational system, the quality of teachers, or the students themselves, or all of them combined. Which needs to be fixed urgently and earnestly.
One thing that is undeniable and which poses a real problem for the quality of Thai education, is the quality of teachers at most state schools and institutions of higher learning. It was once suggested that the teachers themselves be made to sit the O-net tests to find out if they are even qualified to teach.The O-net results should serve as a wake-up call for the Education Ministry, which must realise the urgent need to overhaul the Thai educational system.
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