Militia Groups tai mat sai, Grau Maja Nga Ra sai

Lasang Awng Wa Peace Group's soldiers in Lawa Yang base before transforming a Militia group.


Yana zawn rai, KDA Militia, NDA-K Militia, Lawa Yang Militia, ni byin wa ai gaw, Kachin ni hkrat sum ai Kumla rai sai. ShawngLawt n’nan hpang wa ai shaloi na, Yaw Shada lam, Pungdung na ni hpe, ndai hpung ni Kabai da ra wa sai. Myen hpyen hte rau yup, rau sha, Myen shangun ai Order hkan galaw na she, malawng wa sai.

Ndai hku tsun na, ndai Uhpung ni hpe, Kachin n'rai sai, Kachin hpe n'tsaw ra mat sai ni ngu, tsun mayu ai n're. Byin wa ai Political trend, position, structure gaw, shai wa sai hpe, tsun mayu ai. Myit kata, Ngup Aga hta gaw, Kachin re majaw, myu hpe tsawra ,na re. Raitim Tatut magam bungli gaw, n'tsa de na Myen order kawn sa wa na. Kachin mungshawa masha aq akyu ara, kade ram, makawp maga, lu galaw ya na, ngu ai gasan hpe tsun taw ai re.

Ndai masa hpe yu yang, Kachin politics gaw, pandung awngdang lam n’lu ai sha n’ga, myen aq lata de grau grau hkrat sum, n’gun kya wa sai ga re. Anhte Kachin ni, grau grau n'na sadi maja ra wa sai re. Ndai zawn re masa hta, maja ra ai lam ni gaw.

(1) DKBA zawn Kachin shada gap hkat shangun wa ai zawn n’byin na. Ndai zawn re Order hkrat wa yang, gara hku ninghkap na ngu hpe, ya kaw na, asan sha, masing jahkrat n’na, maja nga ra na re.

(2) Tinang Uhpung kata na, ningbaw, malawm ni hpe, maja rum, sat, nat, ai lam ni, nga wa chye ai. (Kogang ningbaw hpe gyam n’na, shamat kau ai zawn.) N’gun naw ja ai Kachin armed group KIA zawn re n’nga yang, ndai zawn re mabyin, daini daina, byin wa na, aloi sha re. Ndai hpung ni Militia hkap la dat ai gaw, KIA hpe mung, grau na, masa shayak dat ai tai sai.

(3) Sut masa, mung masa, Militia, Parties hpa mi galaw galaw, SPDC’s tool (or) Myen aq nchyang mayam, Myen aq Policy hpe hkrang shapraw ya ai Kachin militia n’tai na, sadi nga ra na re. Moi Sama Duwa the Jinghpaw ningbaw ni, mungmasa Myi n’hpaw ai majaw, Myen lang ai shingna, Myen akyu ara aq matu, jai lang sha hkrum lai wa zawn, bai n’kahtam byin na, ahkyek ai. Labau hta, Myen gaw, English, Japan ni hpe pi, masu magaw n’na, lang lai wa ai hpe mung dum ga. Alang lang myen masu ai hpe, kam shut na, myit malai lu ai ni, n’tai ga. Myit malai lu ai hpang gaw, hpang hkrat sai re. Consequence hpe hkrum sha ra sai re. Tinang langai aq tinggyeng akyu ara, tinang langai aq ningmu hte, Amyu ting hpe dut sha ai ni, jam jau jaw ai ni, n’tai na, sadi ga.


Ya ndai lak nak Uhpung 3 gaw, kaning nchye di ai majaw, Myen aq masing hpe N’kam tim, hkap la ra ai ngu ga. Naw ngam nga ai KIA gaw tsep kawp ndai zawn Myen aq lata de Kachin Sinat hpe n’mai ap kau na re. Rawng malan n’awngdingsa, Kachin Sinat hpe, n’kabai kau ai ni mung nga ra na re. Mungmasa galaw ai ngu ai gaw, Common Goal (Kachin self-determination) hpe Aziyu let, shani shana, masing jahkrat, grau n’na, Kachin politics hkrung kaba n’gun ja wa hpe she Myit ga. Ya Militia tai mat ai ni mung, byin lai mat sai gaw, tinang aq Gawng kya lam aq majaw re hpe dum la na, ndai Goal de bai htang wa lu na, hkrang shapraw lu na hpe, myit nga ga.

Makau mi gaw, Kachin political rights aq matu galaw, makau mi gaw, shada, jahten ai baw bungli, tsep kawp, n’galaw na, Grai ahkyek ai re. Eg; Dukaba Naw Seng hpung ni hte, Sama Du Wa ni mungmasa ningmu n'hkrum ai majaw,hkrat sum ai zawn, bai n'kahtap rai na, ahkyek ai. Rawng malan hpe tinang n’lu galaw woi awn ai rai yang mung, galaw nga ai ni hpe, myitdaw, jahte tam ai baw, galoi hkum galaw mu. Kachin re the maren, du nga ai shara kaw na, Kachin akyu ara hpe, shani shagu na, sak hkrung lam hta, hpa lu galaw na, aq nawng lu na, ngu she myit nga ga. Nang ngai, Kachin akyu ara aq matu, daini, hpa lu galaw sai ngu hpe, shana yup wa mahka, galaw mung, Review galaw mu. Daini n’lu galaw jang, Hpawt ni ngai hpa lu galaw hkra, shakut na ngu hpe, hkrang shapraw mu. Rawt malan ningbaw galaw, Sinat hpai n’na, Kachin akyu ara hpe, (7) ya hta, kalang mung, n’lu galaw kau dat ai gaw, hkum rai mu. Jut shara kaw e aq nawng nga ai, ninbaw ningla, myu tsaw shayi shadang kaji kaba ma hkra, Kachin mai kaja lam hpe, hkrang shapraw galaw sa lu mu ga law, Akyu hpyi dat n’nga ai. Yawng hpe hkungga let.

In search of democracy - Kachin leader engages junta: The Bangkok Post

In search of democracy - Kachin leader engages junta

Freelance journalist Myint Shwe recently met Manam Tu Ja in Laiza on the Chinese border, where they discussed possible implications of the volatile situation in Burma and his brand-new Kachin State Progressive Party

Recently, the New Light of Myanmar, the mouthpiece of the Burmese junta, carried an article extolling former Kachin rebel leader Manam Tu Ja's decision to set up a political party to contest the general election in 2010. Tu Ja had taken part in a national constitutional drafting convention organised by the junta from 2004-07 as a representative of the Kachin Independence Organisation (KIO).


PATIENCE IS NEEDED: Manam Tu Ja believes the transformation of armed indigenous groups will take place eventually.

Despite the reservations by the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) led by Aung San Suu Kyi, many believe that the 2010 election is the only solution to the country's problems. In Rangoon, upstart groups are springing up each day in preparation for the election, the date of which has yet to be announced.

The KIO has approved Tu Ja's decision and officially relieved him of leadership responsibilities. But on the other hand, the KIO and the United Wa State Army (UWSA) - the two most powerful armed ethnic organisations, which signed ceasefire agreements with the Burmese junta 20 years ago - are resisting the government's plan to transform them into state administered Border Guard Forces (BGF).

The KIO, with a fighting force of 4,000, and the UWSA, with 20,000 soldiers, are currently negotiating with the junta. Both sides are emphasising the importance of peace, and the use of political means to find a solution. The junta vanquished the Kokang, a much smaller armed group along the border with China, this past summer. A newly installed Kokang leadership has accepted the BGF proposal.

Some Burma observers think the junta might delay the elections. Pessimists even foresee a resumption of civil war in the north and in the east of the country.

There was news recently that the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) would form an interim government, probably in October, to handle the upcoming election. What is your opinion on this?

Yes, we heard about it. If it is true, it is for the good. I mean it must have been made with good intentions. Given the current situation, it might be better to let an interim government carry on the remaining steps of the (seven-step) road map (for democracy). It is better suited to convene the election and to hand state power over to the newly elected government.

How will the SPDC proceed with its plan to transform the KIO and the UWSA into Border Guard Forces?

In principle, the transformation of indigenous armed organisations is necessary in order to harmonise with the country's political transition, I mean toward a democratic state. However, in doing so, we may need to allow enough time, great patience, and unlimited consultation with the indigenous people.

Like many others, I can sense that both the SPDC and the ceasefire groups prefer negotiation to a resumption of violence; both sides do not want to lose peace that has been achieved so far. Therefore, until they get a good solution, more patience is needed to work toward it. I firmly believe this hurdle will be overcome and the transformation will take place eventually and peacefully.

There are some pessimistic views in the political circles in Rangoon regarding this issue. Some even forecast that the election might be postponed until this problem is solved. If you think the issue will be solved peacefully, can it happen before the election?

I cannot tell with certainty. However, it seems to me that this issue will be solved before the election. I know some (armed) organisations are saying that this issue should be relegated to the next government; well I think it is up to the (current) government. If the government decides to leave the issue to the post-election period, it can do so, but I think the government side appears to have determined to finish it first.

On their side, the peace groups wish that their status would be left as it is now and discussed in the coming Union Assembly, or be solved by the new government. But I think this is less likely.

‘‘ We are now clearly and totally separated from the KIO. It does not necessarily mean I do not like the old ways of politics anymore. I just choose the new way, the democratic, civilian way

According to Burmese state-owned media, you are one of the few people who have been viewed favourably by the government. If the government asks you to help negotiate with the KIO on the BGF plan, would you consider it?

I do not think the government would ask me to intervene in any manner. The government has been fully capable of solving the problems it has faced so far. Besides, the government's style of work is dealing directly with the parties concerned, allowing only those who are involved. I am totally out of it.

You have decided to form the Kachin State Progressive Party (KSPP). You are still a leader of Kachins and an ex-KIO leader. How much will the current transformation issue affect your efforts and those of the KSPP.

We have determined to play a new game, urban politics. As you know, I clearly have burned the bridge behind me. Therefore, I will say the KSPP has nothing do to do with the KIO, regardless of whether it can negotiate its stand with the government, or not.

Have you relinquished your KIO membership?

Yes, I have formally resigned both from the KIO leadership and from the organisation. I personally do not have a single stake left with the KIO. On the other hand, I have cooperated with the government's road map since the National Convention and I am still cooperating with it through my plan to form a political party and to stand in the coming election.

In this regard, I want to emphasise that the KSPP will be a political party based entirely on the urban population (in Kachin state); it will play urban politics only. The KSPP will be marching along with the flow of the democratic age. We are now clearly and totally separated from the KIO. It does not necessarily mean I do not like the old ways of politics anymore. I just choose the new way, the democratic, civilian way, and the way of urban politics. So, whatever is happening on the other side will not be related to us in any way.

What is the story behind the formation of the KSPP?

Last year the people in Kachin State called a mass meeting and formed a large group called Kachin State Transitional Period Leading Body. This body consisted of representatives from all walks of life, such as religious leaders, businessmen, scholars and people from political organisations like the KIO and other smaller ones such as the New Democratic Army Kachin (NDAK).

The KIO consulted with the transitional body regarding the coming election. Through the body the Kachin people expressed the belief that the election approach to political transition as an option should not be rejected entirely, since it is inevitable. So it was recommended that a political party be formed to contest the election.

The leading body of the KSPP was formed, with 53 representatives drawn from that Transitional Period Leading Body.

KACHIN ENCLAVE: The town of Laiza, Burma, near the border with China, is the home of the Kachin Independence Organisation. The region wants to keep a degree of autonomy.

There were 10 representatives from the KIO, of which I was one. Five of these have returned to the KIO and the remaining five, including me, are now with the KSPP.

So we are totally independent of the KIO, as I told you earlier.

Some who are from smaller political organisations other than the KIO have also become civilian politicians like me, and no longer members of any armed group. That is why I said we are totally independent of any armed organisation. We are now a political party in the true sense of the word, and based on the civilian Kachin population.

Does the KSPP intend to represent all the Kachin State?

Yes, we felt that there should be only one local political party for the whole of the Kachin state, though we will not oppose others in Kachin state that wish to have their own parties. But we will try to make an alliance and merge with them.

We expect that bigger national parties like the National Unity Party (ex-Burma Socialist Program Party) and the National League for Democracy (NLD), might decide to run in the election in Kachin State, and other government-supported proxy parties and candidates as well. Our party, as a local party, intends to embrace all peoples and groups, united in the state. I want to say that the KSPP is a geographically instituted political party, or a state-based party, not based on religion or ethnicity, and focused on the all-round progress of the Kachin state.

In this regard, I want to say that the KSPP is going to be a constructive party in all aspects, with positive attitudes.

Our purpose in founding a political party is not to oppose whatever the government does or is going to do. We will cooperate with anyone when we believe their ideas are beneficial to the Kachin state, as well as the union as a whole. We will open the doors of our party widely. There will be room for everyone and leadership opportunity for anyone who demonstrates calibre.

What will be the first activity of the KSPP once you have officially launched the party?

We have yet to set up our organisational structure systematically and launch officially. When the government allows parties for registration we will do so, and we will launch our organisational work with the Kachin public within the framework the government allows.

Will the KSPP's party work be limited to within the state?

Yes, it will be within the Kachin State.

Do you have anything more to say?

The constitution and the elections are the two important things we need to have in order to make a smooth and successful turning point in this era of our country's history. This is the only door which is open for us at this moment.

This is why we are starting now and starting where we can start practically. It is given by circumstances, not choice. But I believe, if we work on steadily along this line, one day - I say one day - we will be at the destination all of us have envisioned.

I know there are criticisms of the new constitution. But even if the constitution is to be revised or amended in certain aspects, the only ones who can do so are the elected persons who have come through the 2010 election, and the only venue is the Union Assembly.

There is no way to bypass the election and the Union Assembly created by it. This should be clear.

Myint Shwe (myint.shwe@gmail.com) is a Canada-based long time Burma observer and freelance journalist.

Sanction policy hurt innocent Burmese Citizen, But not regime

A comment in response to the Irrawaddy’s commentary “A New Political Environment?” http://www.irrawaddy.org/opinion_story.php?art_id=17006

Burmese farmers

Yes this is a new phenomenon, mainly becoz Suu Kyi now shows up after such a long silence. Of course, sanction hurt ordinary citizen deeply and seriously. Meanwhile junta has survived unaffectedly. Regime even grew stronger and made oppositions and ethnic groups weaker over the past decades. So far, UN, US and Western powers have made no sense in real Burmese politics. We need to Be very cautious, Not to fail so many times again. Regime says one thing and does another. It did not care international community either.

What is the cost of sanction? How many more Burmese citizens have to die? We should hurt innocent citizen for any political purpose. Politicians, you can sacrifice your life if you believe in changing dictatorship to democracy, but you should not force citizens into poverty. Sanction policy driving Poverty should not be a tool to condemn the SPDC's wrong doing. Sanction policies should be clearly clarified between those hurt citizens and those effect on the military. Some sanction such as bans over Visa, opening bank accounts of the junta and their cronies and their natural resources export such as oil and gas are workable to restrict regime. But those sanction over such as investment and industries that create job opportunity and employment should be lifted but encouraged to solve the problems of illegal migration, human trafficking, and numerous human rights abuse over Burmese migrant workers such as underpaid jobs, unpaid jobs, forcing migrants as slaves, sexual abuse, inhumane race discrimination and murders happening around the world, especially Thailand, Malaysia and Singapore.

This is a crucial time. Something harsh or effective policy is needed. Is it the right time to talk about Sanction just a few months right ahead of election? Sanction will never be effective as long as China, India and Thailand trade with regime and are not interested to solve Burmese politics. So Sanction policy is failing, not beneficial to Burma's pro-democracy movement. Exploiters such as China, Thailand, India benefit from US and Western's sanction over Burma. The suffers and losers are Burmese citizen. Nobody care about ethnics or universal value. Nobody really have commitment to solve problem unless we see Oil. Burmese are sick of bala bala speech. We need a genuine and meaningful approach from both international community and Burmese junta.

Maintaining sanction policy without reviewing whether it is affecting the SPDC or hurting the ordinary citizen will be ridiculous. With the absence of western countries’ involvement, allowing China, North Korea and Russia (who are not interested in human rights, justice and democracy) to do business in Burma is like giving a death sentence to Burmese citizens. Permitted by the SPDC, these businesses orientated exploiters are simply easily sucking citizens’ blood and exploiting all natural resources. How can we ratify these sanctions to pressure Change in Burma? Should US and pro democracy leaders including Maung Maung allow this happen? At what cost? Is the sanction the only thing that the US and the UN can do change toward democracy in Burma? If say yes, then the question is are they effective? Answer is No because Burma has China and ASEAN to do business. My crucial point here is we need to do beyond these cycles?

One Country Two Governments/ One Country Two Systems

(Mungdan 1, Asuya 2 (shnr) Tinang Mungdaw Laksan Asuya) Hong Kong gaw China kaw lawm ai raitim, Tinang amyu sha rai nga ai Hong Kong masha ni aq laksan Asuya hte laksan mungdan langai zawn, uphkang nga ai mungdan re. Miwa mungdan hta, grau n'na, hpaji masa, sut masa ring chying ai, Asia mungdan ni hta nga sat nga sa, grai tsaw hkra, nga lu ai mungdan langai re. Wunpawng sha ni Kasi yu la mai ai baw political system (self-autonomy) re,hti yu ga!

One country, two systems

Hong Kong Scene from Peak Mountain

Hong Kong is part of China but it is like a totally different country. Hong Kong has its own government and its own political system. Hong Kong runs one of the most developed and effective government in Asia. Hong Kong people enjoy more freedom and live in high living standard than the rest of China and elsewhere in Asia. The government of Hong Kong is called the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region.

Under “one country, two systems,” Hong Kong has its own political system, legal, military, economic and financial affairs, including commercial and cultural agreements with foreign countries, and enjoys "certain rights" in foreign affairs.

Hong Kong and Macau

“One country, two systems” is originally proposed in 1984 by Deng Xiaoping, then Paramount Leader of the People's Republic of China (PRC) to apply the principle to Hong Kong in the negotiation with the British Prime Minister, Margaret Thatcher over the future of Hong Kong when the lease of the New Territories (including New Kowloon) of Hong Kong to the United Kingdom was to expire in 1997. The same principle was proposed in the talks with Portugal over Macau.

The principle is that upon reunification, despite the practice of "socialism" in mainland China, both Hong Kong and Macau which were colonies of the UK and Portugal respectively, can have their established system under a high degree of autonomy for at least fifty years after reunification to a very large extent. What will happen after 2047 and 2049 (50 years after the return of Hong Kong and Macau, respectively) has never been stated in any public documents.

Hong Kong Basic Law Article 5 reads:

“The socialist system and policies shall not be practised in the HKSAR, and the previous capitalist system and way of life shall remain unchanged for 50 years."

The establishment of these regions, called special administrative regions (SARs), is authorized by Article 31 of the Constitution of the People's Republic of China, which states that the State may establish SARs when necessary, and that the systems to be instituted in them shall be prescribed by law enacted by the National People's Congress in light of the specific conditions.

The SARs of Hong Kong and Macau were formally established on 1 July 1997 and 20 December 1999 respectively, immediately after the People's Republic of China (PRC) assumed the sovereignty over the respective regions.

Framework

The two SARs of Hong Kong and Macau are responsible for their domestic affairs, including, but not limited to, the judiciary and courts of last resort, immigration and customs, public finance, currencies and extradition. Diplomatic relations and national defense of the two SARs are, however, the responsibility of the Central People's Government in Beijing.

Hong Kong continues using English common law. Macau continues using the Portuguese civil law system.

Implementation

In Hong Kong, the system has been implemented through the Basic Law of Hong Kong, which serves as the "mini-constitution" of the region, and consistent with the Sino-British Joint Declaration. Similar arrangements are in place with Macau. Under the respective basic laws, the SARs have a high degree of autonomy and enjoy executive, legislative and independent judicial power, including that of final adjudication. They formulate their own monetary and financial policies, maintain their own currencies, formulate their own policies on education, culture, sports, social welfare system, etc. within the framework of the basic laws.

As stipulated by the basic laws, while the Central People's Government of the PRC is responsible for foreign affairs and defense in relation to the SARs, representatives of the Government of the SARs may participate, as members of delegations of the PRC, in diplomatic negotiations that directly affect the Regions, and in other international organizations or conferences limited to states and affecting the region. For those international organizations and conferences not limited to states, the SARs may participate using the names in the form of Hong Kong, China and Macau, China. As separate economic entities, both SARs of Hong Kong and Macau are members of the World Trade Organization. Hong Kong is also one of the member economies of APEC.

The basic laws also provide constitutional protection on various fundamental human rights and freedoms. Specifically, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights is given a constitutional status through the basic laws.

Some international observers and human rights organizations have expressed doubts about the future of the relative political freedoms enjoyed in Hong Kong, and about the PRC's pledge to allow a high degree of autonomy in Hong Kong. They considered, for example, that the proposals in Article 23 of the Basic Law in 2003 (which was withdrawn due to mass opposition) might have undermined autonomy.

Nonetheless, the governments of the People's Republic of China and Hong Kong both consider the principle to have been successfully implemented, quoting official reports of both the United Kingdom and the United States.

Republic of China/Taiwan

This system has also been proposed by the PRC government for Taiwan, but the Republic of China (ROC) government has refused this suggestion (it has also been claimed that the system was originally designed for Taiwan). Special provisions for the preservation of the military in Taiwan have also been proposed. The concept of "One country, two systems" tends to be highly unpopular in Taiwan, with polls consistently showing 80% opposition and only about 10% support. All of the major parties in Taiwan, including those that lean toward Chinese reunification have come out strongly against "One country, two systems". Some proposed "One country, two governments" which was obviously opposed by the Chinese communist party, while some proposed the "one country" in "One country, two systems" should be ROC instead of PRC. One of the few Taiwanese who have publicly supported "one country, two systems" is novelist Li Ao.

Although the "One country, two systems" guarantees that Hong Kong's economic and political systems will not be changed for 50 years after the British handover in 1997, Mainland Affairs Council of the Republic of China has cited 169 cases in which they claim the PRC has breached the right of the people of Hong Kong to self-rule and severely intervened in the judicial system as well as freedom of speech.

Since the accession of Hu Jintao, the PRC has stopped promoting immediate reunification via "one country, two systems" (although it remains official policy). The "one country, two systems" framework was not mentioned in the Anti-Secession Law of the People's Republic of China. A new policy of gradual economic integration and political exchanges is now preferred: this new policy was emphasized during the 2005 Pan-Blue visits to mainland China as well as all subsequent major cross-strait exchanges.

Tibet

The 14th Dalai Lama, Tenzin Gyatso, has expressed interest in using "one country, two systems" for governing Tibet. He has said that under such a system he would be willing to return to Tibet from exile. The government of China, however, considers this system inapplicable to Tibet because "Tibet is already a part of China" and fears that "one country, two systems" will be used as a gateway to formal Tibetan independence.

No one should applause defeating Wa

A response to the Irrawaddy Oct 9 commentary “Defeating the Wa would Win Wide Applause” . http://www.irrawaddy.org/opinion_story.php?art_id=16965



This commentary highlighted drug problem in Wa region and hinted that defeating the Wa army would win applause from regional including Thailand, perhaps US.
It maybe true that Thai will be happy when drug producer in golden triangle are gone. but I want to point out hat this article seemed to have little acknowledgment on political problem which is the root cause of all social and political turmoil in Burma.

However we can not only tell reasoning of drug when it comes the fighting between Burmese dictatorship regime and ethnic armies. The reason is because this war is not only about drug. The root cause of Wa holding arm is also not merely to produce methamphetamine.

The main trouble maker is the SPDC who destroyed the constitution of federal democracy and staged coup, arresting the union’s political leaders including Suu Kyi and ethnic representatives and put them in prisons. The oppressive rule by the Burman-dominated military regime have driven away remaining political leaders into the jungle, holding arms to restrict the oppressive regime and to restore democracy and human rights.

Thailand simply can not applause defeating Wa since knowing above mentioned roots cause of political turmoil in Burma. As usually, the offensive will not only pose refugees problem to Thailand, it will cause burning civilian homes and killing people and destroying the region’s peace. Without resolving the main problem of political crisis, but defeating an ethnic army would pose forever political problems in the region.

Instead of eliminating ethnic armies, Burma should find remedy for its political problem which is the main cause of all social, health problem and unstable politics. The regime should show its willingness to solve political turmoil by releasing political prisoners including Suu Kyi, and letting the democratic civilian government govern and manage the country’s social and political affairs. Instead of happy applause of defeating Wa by Thailand, all international Community including Thais must honestly and openly encourage Burmese military to step down from power, not to abuse human rights and restore democracy in Burma.

Myen hpe jinghku hku na i? Hpyen hku yu na i? De aq majaw mahtai gaw hpa baw rai na?

Myen hpe jinghku hku na i? Hpyen hku yu na i? HPyen hku yu let, jinghku mung hku, ngu ai aq lachyum gaw hpa baw? De aq hpang de byin taw ai, mabyin ni gaw gara hku? Results gaw Hpa baw byin wa ai? Kachin akyu ara hte, tinang uphpung the business akyu ara, kara hpe shawng kaw tawn na, kara hpe hpang kaw tawn ai? De aq result gaw hpa baw byin wa ai? anhte Kachin nang ngai yawng myit sawn dik lit yu ga.

Gen Aung San prat hta, jinghpaw ningbaw ningla ni, Myen the pawng na, mungdan gaw gap yang, mai kaja n’hten nga, jinghpaw ni myen the pawng sai. Raitim, Myen gaw myen sha re the maren, BIA Myen hpyen ningbaw makau mi kaw nan, Myen Amyu kaba policy lang ai, democratic federalism and power sharing among states hpe, n’ra ai, ni lawm sai. Karen mare masha ni hpe, BIA myen hpyen la ni grai law sat kau sai. U Nu a prat hta, jinghpaw mung masha ni hpe n’bawng ai, jinghpaw Buga 3 dang hpe, Miwa hpe, Myi man tam n’na, kum hpaw jaw kau sai. Myen mung ting hpe, race, culture, religion shabung, myen woi shatai kau na matu, galaw sai. Baw sang amyu sha ni mung, rawt malang hpang wa sai. Myen hpyen dap ni, baw sang amyu shagu aq buga shagu, du shang, n’na, zingri zingrat ai lam galaw sai. Lak nak lang ai ni hpe jahptai n’na, baw sang amyu sha yawng hpe mung, rum sat, zingri, sai. Yawng hkra gaw, Amyen n’re ai ni hpe, amyu kaji shatai kau na the, shamyit kau na masing, Myen sai rai nga ai.

Gen Nye Win prat, kawn, ya Than Shwe prat, Myen gaw myen sha re. Galoi ram ra ai tara hpe galaw na, mungdan ting na mungmasha ni ngwi pyaw simsa na hpe, baw tawn, galaw ai n’lawm ai. First priority gaw, ethnic politicians ni hpe shamyit na, masing rai nga ai. Kachin State Tai-Mu Gen Gam hpang hpe mung, dai policy kata kaw e, si hkam mat wa ra sai. Myen magma gun mi rai rai, KIA magam gun mi rai rai, Kachin re majaw gaw, Myen aq myi hta gaw, anhte yawng hkra gaw, Hpyen, hku na sha, yu nga ai re. Daini Jinghpaw LauBan ni, mungmasa ni the Shat saboi langai kaw sha, rau dung sha tim, Myen aq masin gaw, hpawt ni, gara hku, Da-mya mya na, gara hku, Rim rawng na, adup na, Myi the Yu nga ai re.

Democracy NLD ningbaw Suu Kyi the laga myen ningbaw ni hpe rim rawng ai mung dai sha re. Democracy, Federalism rai yang, myen the, baw sang maren mara, power sharing rai na, Jinghpaw mungdaw de jinghpaw ni up na hpe, n’kam yu ai majaw, Mungdan ting hpe Myen amyu ni madu lu na, policy aq majaw, myen ningbaw shada ningmu n’bung ai ni hpe rim rawng hkat ai, anhte baw sanga laga amyu ni hpe, shaning 50,60 ning, gap ai, Kachin State de, myen hpyen dap jat tik tik, myen amyu masha, gawt bang tik tik re, dai policy rai nga ai. Ya na myen jet ai mung masa la ni gaw, ndai zawn, ethnic armed groups ni n’gun kaya wa, myen mung hta, myen role grau kaba wa ai hpe, ya na myen ningbaw ni hpe chyeju dum nga ma ai. N’gup de she, ethnic problem hparan ra ai nga tim, myit kata de gaw, myen mung e, myen ni up sha ra ai, hku, myit ai ni hkrai re.

Mungkan the jinghpaw mung Map

World Map hpe yu yang, Kachin State map hta, htam manu mana, kaji ai, mungdan ni grai law ai re. Kachin State aq dingdung kaw e nga ai Bhutan country mung, kachin state hta, htam 6 in size kaji ai. Tinang amyu sha tinang up ai lak sak mungdan rai, grai pyaw, grai lu su ai mungdan re. Wunpawng mundan zawn, n'hprang sutrai n'nga ai, kaji ji sha law, mungdan ni, grai law, mungkan nga nga ai re.

Myeng the pawng ai jinghpaw mungmasa awng dang ai i? hkrat sum ai i? Hpyen hpe hpyen hku mu ai i? Jinghku shatai ai ni nga ga ai i?

Anhte Jiwoi Jiwa ni, myen hpe Kam n'na, alang lang, zingri hkrum, sat hkrum, hkam sharang na, na pawng lai wa ai. Dai ni mung, Myen gaw, Kachin politics hpe respect n'nga, mahtai tam ga ngu hpe, n'hkap la ai sha n'ga, kachin politics hpe shamat kau na, kachin amyu ni hpe, shamat na, she gyam nga ai re. Myen ningbaw ni aq myen Myu kaba, Sawa ladat lang ai hpe, anhte kachin ni, hpyem hpe, hpyen hku, chye mu nga ra sai law. Myen hpyen hpe jinghku shatai, hkrup ang ai rai yang mung, Myit malai saga law. Myi hte mu, na hte na na, Chye la, dum hprang saga law.

Lak nang Uhpung ni law ga ai rai tim, Sai ga shaga, Pu gang sin machyi rai ga law! Myen wa aq masing gaw, Daini KIA hpe gap yang, hpawt ni KDA hpe wan nat na. hpawt din ni, NDA-K hpe sat shamyit na re. Pangdung langai sha rai nga ga ai, anhte kachin ni, Sinat mahku, maga mi de, rau jawm shayawn ga. Kachin ni ram, Majan labau hta, reng ai, Kachin ni sha nga ai re. Jiwoi Jiwa prat kaw na, ya du hkra, gasat gala ai ni, majan mahkrum madup nga ai ni, Majan hta, reng ai ni rai ga ai re. Shara shagup de du nga ai Wunpawng sha ni mung, Pu gang si machyi, tinang dang di ai atsawm marai, tinang chye chyang ai hpaji hte, ndai amyu sha lit hpe, Rau sha, jawm Nau ga law. Shinggan de du nga ai wunpawng myu sha, ningbaw ningla, nuwa ni, dangdi shanglawm mai ai lam ni mung, nga na re. Ga shadawn, Media, Medical supply, Food supply, laga ja gumhpraw the garum shingtau ai, maigan myu experts, politicians ni the matut mahkai na, tatut shanglawm ai ni mai na re. Kachin rai saga ai re majaw, yawng kaw lit nga sai re. Yawng lama mi lama mi, hkrang shapraw galaw sa w a ai rai yang, mai kaja ai lam ni, grai law, pru wa na re. yawng rau sha yaw!