Tuesday, October 18, 2011
missing my gun-smoking hometown
There has been fresh fighting between ethnic KIO and Burmese regime in my hometown, Kachin State, northern Burma. Sometimes I want to join the KIO and fight against this oppressive Burmese regime. I belong to Kachin ethnic who are the majority in Kachin State, who is minority in other parts of Burma. Kachins are not allowed to have any political in 2010 Election because the regime knows the Kachin State Progressive Party would definitely win in Kachin State. I grew up in war-torn zone and hardly manage to get pass matriculation due to all kinds of crisises, thanks to my family's strong moral support on education. Over the past half-century, nothing has changed which mean nothing had developed across Burma, especially remote areas like my hometown in northern Burma. Ethnic groups like KIO made ceasefire with this regime hoping that there will be a political dialoge. This hope never happen. The regime only made ceasefire with KIO to destroy other ethnic rebels. KIO urged the regime to make nationwide ceasefire and host political talk but the regime now only turn back to KIO to refresh civil war. I grew up in war-torn zone but i am very peaceful person, want to solve only in non-violent means and serve my community which is one of the poorest and worst social dilemma in the world. I will go back to my gun-smoking hometown Soon!! I will miss you my friends
Tuesday, October 4, 2011
Burma Rivers Network response to China Power Investment Corporation comments on Myitsone dam
October 4, 2011
On October 3, Chinese media interviewed Lu Qizhou, the President of China Power Investment Corporation, about Burma’s Myitsone hydropower project. Below is a response to key points in the interview by the Burma Rivers Network.
Lu Qizhou: I also learnt about this through the media and I was totally astonished. Before this, the Myanmar side never communicated with us in any way about the "suspension"
BRN: The villagers at the dam site, numerous political and community organizations, international human rights organizations have attempted to contact CPI and discuss the concerns about the impacts and process of the project. Even though CPI never responded to all these attempts at dialogue, they cannot claim to be unaware of the feeling about this project by the people of Burma.
It is impossible that CPI could not have been aware that Burma is in the midst of civil war and that the Irrwaddy-Myitsone dams project is in an active conflict zone. The armed ethnic group in this area, the Kachin Independence Organisation, had directly warned the Chinese government that local people were against the project earlier this year and that proceeding with the dams could fuel further fighting.
Without national reconciliation and peace, all investments in Burma face these types of risks.
Lu Qizhou: “Ever since CPI and Myanmar Ministry of Electric Power No. 1 "MOEP (1)" signed the MOU in December 2006, CPI has always followed the principle of mutual respect, mutual benefit and win-win result”
BRN: Up to now all major investment projects in Burma are negotiated by Burma’s military government and the main benefit have gone to the military. Any win-win result has only been for the military and this is resented by the people of Burma. The lack of transparency by the military and foreign investors increases this resentment. The role and share of the Burmese companies should also be disclosed, including the benefits to Asia World Company and whether military holding companies, the Union of Myanmar Economic Holdings Ltd. (UMEHL) and the Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC), are involved.
Lu Qizhou: We hired topnotch hydropower design institutes, research institutes, consultancies and authoritative experts in China to carry out planning, design, specific study, consultation and supervision for the upstream-Ayeyawady hydropower project.
BRN: The impact assessment jointly carried out by the Chinese Changjiang Institute and the Burmese BANCA stated very clearly that the Myitsone dam should be scrapped and that the majority of the local people were against this project. Why did CPI hire “topnotch” institutes and then not follow their advice? The original EIA was completed in October 2009 which was only leaked earlier this year. CPI has just released an edited version of the EIA and dated it March 2010 which has deleted the key findings and recommendations.
Although it was recommended, the original assessment did not include a social impact assessment or an assessment of the impacts on the entire river, particularly downstream.
In the current political context, where there is civil war and where communities fear retribution by Burma’s military government, assessors are unable to genuinely access affected communities or collect reliable data.
Lu Qizhou: In February this year, Myanmar's Prime Minister (Thein Sein) urged us to accelerate the construction when he inspected the project site, so the sudden proposal of suspension now is very bewildering.
BRN: Thein Sein should explain his actions if he indeed wanted to accelerate the project. In addition the Burmese military government must disclose all agreements signed with CPI so that this is a transparent process for everyone to see.
Lu Qizhou: the upstream-Ayeyawady hydropower project is located near the China-Myanmar border, developing hydropower resources here not only can meet Myanmar's power demand for industrialization, but also can provide clean energy for China. It is based on this consideration that we decided to invest in this mutually beneficial and double winning hydropower project.
BRN: We understand that this is a double winning project for China as it can receive 90% of the energy from this dam while Burma has to bear all the social and economic costs.
Lu Qizhou: Myanmar government will gain economic benefits of USD54 billion via taxation, free electricity and share dividends, far more than CPI's return on investment during our operation period.
BRN: Over the past several years Burma’s military government has received billions in revenues from the sale of natural gas to Thailand, yet the country remains impoverished with some of the worst social and economic indicators in the world. The “economic benefits” therefore do not reach the broader public and do not contribute to the genuine development of the country.
Lu Qizhou: As far as I know, in the more than 100-year history of hydropower development, no flood or destructive earthquake has ever been caused by dam construction. We are able to ensure the safety of dam construction.
BRN: Given the increasing frequency and severity of earthquakes, there cannot be a guarantee of safety. No studies about the safety of the dam or about disaster preparation have been disclosed to the public.
The world’s worst dam disaster occurred in Henan Province in central China in 1975. Twenty years after the disaster, details started emerging that as many as 230,000 people may have died.
Lu Qizhou: It has become a common consensus that hydropower is the only renewable energy suitable for large-scale development now.
BRN: Rural communities in Burma and Kachin State are utilizing the appropriate technology of small hydropower to realize their electricity needs on their own. The Kachin capital of Myitkyina is one of the few cities in Burma that currently receives 24-hour electricity due to an existing small hydropower project. Decentralized management and the right of local people to manage and utilize the electricity generated by small hydro needs to be promoted in Burma, not large scale projects that are environmentally destructive and export electricity rather than using it domestically.
Lu Qizhou: The Myanmar government attaches significant importance to resettlement for the upstream-Ayeyawady hydropower project, and has effectively led and organized the planning, design and implementation of resettlement… According to the agreement, we assisted in the resettlement work and proactively fulfilled our social responsibilities and obligations, while fully respecting local religion, ethnic customs and the wish of migrants.
BRN: Villagers fear for their lives if they complain or resist relocation at the hands of armed military personnel and have thus been forced to give up their farmlands, accept inadequate compensation, and be herded into a relocation camp where there is not enough farmlands and water for livelihoods. People now either have no jobs or low-wage temporary jobs and they cannot continue cultural practices linked to their original homelands. Villagers living in the relocation camp are restricted in movement and are constantly under military surveillance.
Over 60 villages, approximately 15,000 people, will eventually be permanently displaced from their homelands due to the Irrawaddy Myitsone project. This dislocation will cause many secondary social problems including conflicts over jobs and land, and an increase in migration and trafficking to neighboring countries. Women will be particularly impacted.
Lu Qizhou: When Myitsone Hydropower Station is completed, it will effectively control and reduce the flood peak, raise the anti-flooding standard in downstream area, and reduce life and property losses caused by downstream flood on people living on both banks.
BRN: Water releases from hydroelectric dams are entirely dependent on the electricity generating needs of the electricity buyer. In this case, all seven dams of the Irrawaddy Myitsone project will serve China’s electricity needs, not the downstream agricultural, transportation or health needs of Burma. Chinese engineers running the dams will decide how much water to release downstream according to orders from Beijing, not Naypidaw. As seen with the Mekong, this can cause unexpected and devastating water surges and shortages.
Contact: Ah Nan - +66-848854154, Sai Sai - +66-884154386
Email – burmariversnetwork@gmail.com
Website – www.burmariversnetwork.org
On October 3, Chinese media interviewed Lu Qizhou, the President of China Power Investment Corporation, about Burma’s Myitsone hydropower project. Below is a response to key points in the interview by the Burma Rivers Network.
Lu Qizhou: I also learnt about this through the media and I was totally astonished. Before this, the Myanmar side never communicated with us in any way about the "suspension"
BRN: The villagers at the dam site, numerous political and community organizations, international human rights organizations have attempted to contact CPI and discuss the concerns about the impacts and process of the project. Even though CPI never responded to all these attempts at dialogue, they cannot claim to be unaware of the feeling about this project by the people of Burma.
It is impossible that CPI could not have been aware that Burma is in the midst of civil war and that the Irrwaddy-Myitsone dams project is in an active conflict zone. The armed ethnic group in this area, the Kachin Independence Organisation, had directly warned the Chinese government that local people were against the project earlier this year and that proceeding with the dams could fuel further fighting.
Without national reconciliation and peace, all investments in Burma face these types of risks.
Lu Qizhou: “Ever since CPI and Myanmar Ministry of Electric Power No. 1 "MOEP (1)" signed the MOU in December 2006, CPI has always followed the principle of mutual respect, mutual benefit and win-win result”
BRN: Up to now all major investment projects in Burma are negotiated by Burma’s military government and the main benefit have gone to the military. Any win-win result has only been for the military and this is resented by the people of Burma. The lack of transparency by the military and foreign investors increases this resentment. The role and share of the Burmese companies should also be disclosed, including the benefits to Asia World Company and whether military holding companies, the Union of Myanmar Economic Holdings Ltd. (UMEHL) and the Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC), are involved.
Lu Qizhou: We hired topnotch hydropower design institutes, research institutes, consultancies and authoritative experts in China to carry out planning, design, specific study, consultation and supervision for the upstream-Ayeyawady hydropower project.
BRN: The impact assessment jointly carried out by the Chinese Changjiang Institute and the Burmese BANCA stated very clearly that the Myitsone dam should be scrapped and that the majority of the local people were against this project. Why did CPI hire “topnotch” institutes and then not follow their advice? The original EIA was completed in October 2009 which was only leaked earlier this year. CPI has just released an edited version of the EIA and dated it March 2010 which has deleted the key findings and recommendations.
Although it was recommended, the original assessment did not include a social impact assessment or an assessment of the impacts on the entire river, particularly downstream.
In the current political context, where there is civil war and where communities fear retribution by Burma’s military government, assessors are unable to genuinely access affected communities or collect reliable data.
Lu Qizhou: In February this year, Myanmar's Prime Minister (Thein Sein) urged us to accelerate the construction when he inspected the project site, so the sudden proposal of suspension now is very bewildering.
BRN: Thein Sein should explain his actions if he indeed wanted to accelerate the project. In addition the Burmese military government must disclose all agreements signed with CPI so that this is a transparent process for everyone to see.
Lu Qizhou: the upstream-Ayeyawady hydropower project is located near the China-Myanmar border, developing hydropower resources here not only can meet Myanmar's power demand for industrialization, but also can provide clean energy for China. It is based on this consideration that we decided to invest in this mutually beneficial and double winning hydropower project.
BRN: We understand that this is a double winning project for China as it can receive 90% of the energy from this dam while Burma has to bear all the social and economic costs.
Lu Qizhou: Myanmar government will gain economic benefits of USD54 billion via taxation, free electricity and share dividends, far more than CPI's return on investment during our operation period.
BRN: Over the past several years Burma’s military government has received billions in revenues from the sale of natural gas to Thailand, yet the country remains impoverished with some of the worst social and economic indicators in the world. The “economic benefits” therefore do not reach the broader public and do not contribute to the genuine development of the country.
Lu Qizhou: As far as I know, in the more than 100-year history of hydropower development, no flood or destructive earthquake has ever been caused by dam construction. We are able to ensure the safety of dam construction.
BRN: Given the increasing frequency and severity of earthquakes, there cannot be a guarantee of safety. No studies about the safety of the dam or about disaster preparation have been disclosed to the public.
The world’s worst dam disaster occurred in Henan Province in central China in 1975. Twenty years after the disaster, details started emerging that as many as 230,000 people may have died.
Lu Qizhou: It has become a common consensus that hydropower is the only renewable energy suitable for large-scale development now.
BRN: Rural communities in Burma and Kachin State are utilizing the appropriate technology of small hydropower to realize their electricity needs on their own. The Kachin capital of Myitkyina is one of the few cities in Burma that currently receives 24-hour electricity due to an existing small hydropower project. Decentralized management and the right of local people to manage and utilize the electricity generated by small hydro needs to be promoted in Burma, not large scale projects that are environmentally destructive and export electricity rather than using it domestically.
Lu Qizhou: The Myanmar government attaches significant importance to resettlement for the upstream-Ayeyawady hydropower project, and has effectively led and organized the planning, design and implementation of resettlement… According to the agreement, we assisted in the resettlement work and proactively fulfilled our social responsibilities and obligations, while fully respecting local religion, ethnic customs and the wish of migrants.
BRN: Villagers fear for their lives if they complain or resist relocation at the hands of armed military personnel and have thus been forced to give up their farmlands, accept inadequate compensation, and be herded into a relocation camp where there is not enough farmlands and water for livelihoods. People now either have no jobs or low-wage temporary jobs and they cannot continue cultural practices linked to their original homelands. Villagers living in the relocation camp are restricted in movement and are constantly under military surveillance.
Over 60 villages, approximately 15,000 people, will eventually be permanently displaced from their homelands due to the Irrawaddy Myitsone project. This dislocation will cause many secondary social problems including conflicts over jobs and land, and an increase in migration and trafficking to neighboring countries. Women will be particularly impacted.
Lu Qizhou: When Myitsone Hydropower Station is completed, it will effectively control and reduce the flood peak, raise the anti-flooding standard in downstream area, and reduce life and property losses caused by downstream flood on people living on both banks.
BRN: Water releases from hydroelectric dams are entirely dependent on the electricity generating needs of the electricity buyer. In this case, all seven dams of the Irrawaddy Myitsone project will serve China’s electricity needs, not the downstream agricultural, transportation or health needs of Burma. Chinese engineers running the dams will decide how much water to release downstream according to orders from Beijing, not Naypidaw. As seen with the Mekong, this can cause unexpected and devastating water surges and shortages.
Contact: Ah Nan - +66-848854154, Sai Sai - +66-884154386
Email – burmariversnetwork@gmail.com
Website – www.burmariversnetwork.org
Tuesday, May 24, 2011
Tuesday, May 10, 2011
The sacred and the secular
A secular democratic state is needed to provide governance in the Muslim world.
Asef Bayat Last Modified: 09 May 2011 12:14
A secular democratic state secures the rights of non-religious people and religious minorities [EPA]
The presence of religion in public space challenges our ideas about the roles of faith in our lives and politics. Over the past few centuries, proponents of secularisation have claimed that, as societies modernise, the role of religion in public and private life diminishes. For them, modern rationality, science, and the ideal of representative governments as sovereign, replace religion as a source of authority, regulation and security.
But a new claim is that religion is necessary for us today - not despite modernity - but precisely because of it. Religion is required in the public space, it is argued, because only faith can amend the deficits and alleviate the pain caused by modern life. Since the 1970s, the secularisation thesis has been forced onto the defensive as a tide of religiosity - often "fundamentalist" in nature - gained renewed influence in the major traditions, including Christianity, Hinduism, Islam, and Judaism. Religion has thus returned to overtly public and political matters.
But how closely can sacred teachings inform politics and governance? The prism of the mostly Muslim Middle East shows how the public role of religion has varied over time. In the late 19th century, several religious movements emerged in the Middle East in response to Islam's encounter with modernity and the European colonial conquest. Traditionalists, such as Wahhabis, sought to preserve their culturally specific Islamic heritage. The modernist trend, spearheaded by cosmopolitan leaders, such as Jamal eddin Afghani and Mohammad Abdou, advocated an evolving Islam that would coexist and flourish within this emerging modernity. And, some people demanded separating Islam from the state entirely.
Middle East Muslim public life has, for more than a century, been the site of rivalry between a minority wanting to entirely secularise their societies, and Islamic traditionalists or fundamentalists, who oppose many modern ideas and civil institutions. Meanwhile, the majority of ordinary people have tried in their daily lives to marry their modern aspirations for basic rights and better material lives with their religious traditions.
The 1970s brought revived and aggressive religious engagement in society and politics. Iran's Islamic Revolution of 1979 bolstered a new global era of religious politics in the Middle East and beyond, by offering a tangible model of Islamic rule. That same year, Islamic militants seized the Grand Mosque of Mecca in a failed effort to dislodge the Saudi rulers.
The shocking assault spurred radicalisation and accelerated the rivalry between Wahhabi and Salafi trends. By the mid-1990s, the public space in the Middle East was dominated by Islamic movements, institutions and sensibilities - in mosques, the media, NGOs, the education apparatus, the judiciary - and in the streets. More concretely, religious groups in the Sudan, Saudi Arabia, Afghanistan and Iran ruled through Islamic states.
But the realisation of an Islamic state carries within it contradictory seeds of its own decline. History has shown that religious states of any faith inevitably lead to the secularisation of theology. For leaders, religious or not, they must respond to day-to-day demands of governance. Sacred injunctions are bent, revised, or cast aside to accommodate the requisites of governance or merely to justify power.
As in Iran, authorities will ignore laws, including the constitution, or ban people's religious obligations, if this is deemed necessary to secure the "religious" state. Religion thus descends from the height of devotion and spirituality to be a pliable instrument to serve secular objectives.
Cynical secularisation of the sacred by the "Islamic" states is alienating many Muslim citizens. Secular, faithful, and even many members of the ulema [Muslim spiritual leaders] have pleaded for the separation of religion from the state, in order to restore both the sanctity of religion and the rationality of the state. Most of them are seeking a post-Islamist trajectory where faith is merged with freedom, and Islam with democracy, in which a civil democratic state can work within a pious society. Examples in the Muslim world, from Indonesia's Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), to Morocco's Justice and Development Party, as well as the current "Arab Spring", are pointing toward post-Islamist polities.
For Muslim societies, not modernising is no longer an option. Only a secular democratic state respecting basic human rights for all can provide good and modern governance for the faithful and the secular alike. Under a secular democratic state, religion can flourish while non-religious people and religious minorities remain secure.
Asef Bayat is a professor of sociology and Middle East studies at the University of Illinois. His latest book, Life as Politics: How Ordinary People Change the Middle East (2010), is published by Stanford University Press.
The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera's editorial policy
http://english.aljazeera.net/indepth/opinion/2011/04/201142511311268256.html
Asef Bayat Last Modified: 09 May 2011 12:14
A secular democratic state secures the rights of non-religious people and religious minorities [EPA]
The presence of religion in public space challenges our ideas about the roles of faith in our lives and politics. Over the past few centuries, proponents of secularisation have claimed that, as societies modernise, the role of religion in public and private life diminishes. For them, modern rationality, science, and the ideal of representative governments as sovereign, replace religion as a source of authority, regulation and security.
But a new claim is that religion is necessary for us today - not despite modernity - but precisely because of it. Religion is required in the public space, it is argued, because only faith can amend the deficits and alleviate the pain caused by modern life. Since the 1970s, the secularisation thesis has been forced onto the defensive as a tide of religiosity - often "fundamentalist" in nature - gained renewed influence in the major traditions, including Christianity, Hinduism, Islam, and Judaism. Religion has thus returned to overtly public and political matters.
But how closely can sacred teachings inform politics and governance? The prism of the mostly Muslim Middle East shows how the public role of religion has varied over time. In the late 19th century, several religious movements emerged in the Middle East in response to Islam's encounter with modernity and the European colonial conquest. Traditionalists, such as Wahhabis, sought to preserve their culturally specific Islamic heritage. The modernist trend, spearheaded by cosmopolitan leaders, such as Jamal eddin Afghani and Mohammad Abdou, advocated an evolving Islam that would coexist and flourish within this emerging modernity. And, some people demanded separating Islam from the state entirely.
Middle East Muslim public life has, for more than a century, been the site of rivalry between a minority wanting to entirely secularise their societies, and Islamic traditionalists or fundamentalists, who oppose many modern ideas and civil institutions. Meanwhile, the majority of ordinary people have tried in their daily lives to marry their modern aspirations for basic rights and better material lives with their religious traditions.
The 1970s brought revived and aggressive religious engagement in society and politics. Iran's Islamic Revolution of 1979 bolstered a new global era of religious politics in the Middle East and beyond, by offering a tangible model of Islamic rule. That same year, Islamic militants seized the Grand Mosque of Mecca in a failed effort to dislodge the Saudi rulers.
The shocking assault spurred radicalisation and accelerated the rivalry between Wahhabi and Salafi trends. By the mid-1990s, the public space in the Middle East was dominated by Islamic movements, institutions and sensibilities - in mosques, the media, NGOs, the education apparatus, the judiciary - and in the streets. More concretely, religious groups in the Sudan, Saudi Arabia, Afghanistan and Iran ruled through Islamic states.
But the realisation of an Islamic state carries within it contradictory seeds of its own decline. History has shown that religious states of any faith inevitably lead to the secularisation of theology. For leaders, religious or not, they must respond to day-to-day demands of governance. Sacred injunctions are bent, revised, or cast aside to accommodate the requisites of governance or merely to justify power.
As in Iran, authorities will ignore laws, including the constitution, or ban people's religious obligations, if this is deemed necessary to secure the "religious" state. Religion thus descends from the height of devotion and spirituality to be a pliable instrument to serve secular objectives.
Cynical secularisation of the sacred by the "Islamic" states is alienating many Muslim citizens. Secular, faithful, and even many members of the ulema [Muslim spiritual leaders] have pleaded for the separation of religion from the state, in order to restore both the sanctity of religion and the rationality of the state. Most of them are seeking a post-Islamist trajectory where faith is merged with freedom, and Islam with democracy, in which a civil democratic state can work within a pious society. Examples in the Muslim world, from Indonesia's Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), to Morocco's Justice and Development Party, as well as the current "Arab Spring", are pointing toward post-Islamist polities.
For Muslim societies, not modernising is no longer an option. Only a secular democratic state respecting basic human rights for all can provide good and modern governance for the faithful and the secular alike. Under a secular democratic state, religion can flourish while non-religious people and religious minorities remain secure.
Asef Bayat is a professor of sociology and Middle East studies at the University of Illinois. His latest book, Life as Politics: How Ordinary People Change the Middle East (2010), is published by Stanford University Press.
The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera's editorial policy
http://english.aljazeera.net/indepth/opinion/2011/04/201142511311268256.html
Saturday, April 23, 2011
Tortured by Tradition
Tortured by tradition
Give our young more than we've received
* Published: 24/04/2011 at 12:00 AM
*Bangkok Post
She's 12 years old. She has three older brothers. They are now 27, 18 and 15 years old. It started with the middle brother. He was the first to rape her. The oldest brother eventually found out. He didn't put a stop to it. He too raped her. One day, by chance, the youngest brother saw her being raped. So he too raped her.
It went on for three years, which means she was first raped when she was nine years old. Two weeks ago, she went to see a doctor because of a viral infection. The doctor found out the truth. The authorities were informed. The brothers were arrested. The story became news.
Last week, officials went to visit the girl at her home. She was not there. Her ''guardians'' had kicked her out of the house. This was because she told on her brothers; because she has brought shame to the family.
This latter story was published only in Thai Rath newspaper, confined to a few precious inches. The reporter happened to stumble upon the story while following Social Development and Human Security Minister Issara Somchai when he tried visiting the girl.
The reporter used the term ''guardians'', not ''parents''.
The report also said that the girl's teacher has since put her in a children's home, where she would be safer, especially since her 15-year-old brother has been released on bail.
This story surfaced when the entire Kingdom's attention was focused on three girls who danced topless in Silom during Songkran celebrations. Authorities expressed outrage, commenters plastered their consternation all over web boards and venom spewed forth from officials and well known figures.
All of this was for the three topless girls. As for the unfortunate 12-year-old, her tragedy was no longer worthy of the front page; her tears weren't worthy of the talk shows.
Sure, we cried foul when we first heard of the rapes. But perhaps the more despicable crime that few are talking about is the crime of her ''guardians''. Further within the realm of despicability is the fact that we so conveniently forgot about her, while instead obsessing over three pairs of teenage breasts.
Three years of rape _ how could the ''guardians'' not know? Three years of rape, and they put the blame on a 12-year-old girl. They kicked her out of the house.
Our society likes to throw around the words ''culture'' and ''tradition'' as if they are ping-pong balls at a Patpong go-go bar. ''They've corrupted our culture,'' they scream. ''They've shamed our tradition,'' they scold.
Not so. Songkran was corrupted the day we decided to turn it into a money-making business. It was shamed the day we thought it should become a tourist attraction. Both of which, I don't think are big deals.
Are culture and tradition always so good? This I will tell you: The blame the ''guardians'' put on the 12-year-old girl, raped for three years by her three brothers, also comes down to culture and tradition.
She shouldn't have brought shame to the family. She shouldn't have caused the loss of face. A good Thai daughter must keep skeletons in the closet - see no evil, hear no evil and speak no evil. Instead, she must suffer in silence under all the evil. It's called filial duty.
Ask someone who works for a women's rights group. Talk with anyone who works for a children's rights group. They will tell you the horror stories of culture and tradition.
Daughters forced into prostitution, because filial duty dictates that they obey their parents and help the family.
Daughters forced into having sex with stepfathers, because filial duty dictates that they are slaves to the provider of the household. So show your gratitude.
Daughters who become pregnant, whether by rape or consensual sex, but get kicked out of the house because they have brought shame to the family.
Study history and you will find out that if you fancy a girl, all you have to do is kidnap and rape her, and her family would be obliged to offer you their daughter's hand in marriage. This is to save face and family honour.
And don't for one second think that such beliefs and practices don't persist, or that they're not accepted by many in our society today. After all, this is a matter of culture and tradition.
In 2010, the Pavena Hongsakula Foundation reported 7,855 cases of abuse, the highest number in 11 years. That is some 22 instances of abuse per day, almost one an hour. Here is a rundown of some of the reported cases.
Of rape and molestation, there were 635 cases, the highest number in 11 years. The youngest victim was three years old and the oldest was 60. Most of the perpetrators were relatives, stepfathers being the main culprits.
Of torture and imprisonment, there were 558 cases, the highest number in 11 years. The youngest victim was three days old and the oldest was 68 years old.
Of forced prostitution, there were 172 cases, the highest number in 11 years. The youngest victim was eight years old and the oldest was 40.
Bear in mind that these are only the cases that have been reported to the Pavena Hongsakula Foundation. There are many other foundations with their own documented horror stories.
To this day, society's focus is still on the topless dancing girls.
News reports on Friday said the Metropolitan Police Bureau has ordered a clampdown on girls dancing topless in public and the distribution of video clips showing such acts. Has anyone ordered a ''clampdown'' on the ''guardians'' of the 12-year-old girl?
The cabinet has been given 457 billion baht for 75 new planes for Thai Airways. How much has been given to save our children?
The cabinet has given the army 882 million baht for 13,331 guns and 4.3 billion baht for around 100 Ukrainian armoured personnel carriers. How much has been given to save our children?
Mr Issara went to see the 12-year-old girl last week to give her 2,000 baht ''to start with''. Hopefully there will be more.
The horror stories involving children are not just limited to those who have been raped, molested, kidnapped and tortured. There are also those we see every day when we walk on the pavements or drive down the streets.
The little four year old begging on the pavement at Siam Square, while privileged children - with their BlackBerries and iPhones, in high heels and pointed shoes, covered head-to-toe in skin-whitening cream - walk by without so much as a glance.
The little eight year old selling garlands at the Asoke intersection as luxury cars zoom by - driven by people who just ignore her existence, or simply shoo her away if they are stopped at the light. Heaven forbid that dirty little prai taint their shiny paint job.
We are a society that is well-practised at pointing the finger and condemning when the supposed ''crime'' is no more than just being different, no more than simply having a different set of personal values. It's a culture of ignorance and intolerance.
Add to that our apathy, our refusal to acknowledge the real evils in society, for fear of losing face, of tainting our image, and we have a tradition that is hell-bent on denying that most basic trait of any society: evolution.
I couldn't find out how much of the country's resources are being devoted to helping our unfortunate children, but why leave it to the government to help? Each and every one of us can do our part. There are agencies that help children who are victims of abuse, providing them with shelter, care and education. We all can find out how we can lend a hand at the Public Welfare Department (02-246-8652, 02-247-9485) or at the Children's Foundation (02-539-4041, 02-538-6227).
Give our children better than we've received.
Make humanity a part of our culture and tradition.
Contact Voranai Vanijaka via email at voranaiv@bangkokpost.co.th
Give our young more than we've received
* Published: 24/04/2011 at 12:00 AM
*Bangkok Post
She's 12 years old. She has three older brothers. They are now 27, 18 and 15 years old. It started with the middle brother. He was the first to rape her. The oldest brother eventually found out. He didn't put a stop to it. He too raped her. One day, by chance, the youngest brother saw her being raped. So he too raped her.
It went on for three years, which means she was first raped when she was nine years old. Two weeks ago, she went to see a doctor because of a viral infection. The doctor found out the truth. The authorities were informed. The brothers were arrested. The story became news.
Last week, officials went to visit the girl at her home. She was not there. Her ''guardians'' had kicked her out of the house. This was because she told on her brothers; because she has brought shame to the family.
This latter story was published only in Thai Rath newspaper, confined to a few precious inches. The reporter happened to stumble upon the story while following Social Development and Human Security Minister Issara Somchai when he tried visiting the girl.
The reporter used the term ''guardians'', not ''parents''.
The report also said that the girl's teacher has since put her in a children's home, where she would be safer, especially since her 15-year-old brother has been released on bail.
This story surfaced when the entire Kingdom's attention was focused on three girls who danced topless in Silom during Songkran celebrations. Authorities expressed outrage, commenters plastered their consternation all over web boards and venom spewed forth from officials and well known figures.
All of this was for the three topless girls. As for the unfortunate 12-year-old, her tragedy was no longer worthy of the front page; her tears weren't worthy of the talk shows.
Sure, we cried foul when we first heard of the rapes. But perhaps the more despicable crime that few are talking about is the crime of her ''guardians''. Further within the realm of despicability is the fact that we so conveniently forgot about her, while instead obsessing over three pairs of teenage breasts.
Three years of rape _ how could the ''guardians'' not know? Three years of rape, and they put the blame on a 12-year-old girl. They kicked her out of the house.
Our society likes to throw around the words ''culture'' and ''tradition'' as if they are ping-pong balls at a Patpong go-go bar. ''They've corrupted our culture,'' they scream. ''They've shamed our tradition,'' they scold.
Not so. Songkran was corrupted the day we decided to turn it into a money-making business. It was shamed the day we thought it should become a tourist attraction. Both of which, I don't think are big deals.
Are culture and tradition always so good? This I will tell you: The blame the ''guardians'' put on the 12-year-old girl, raped for three years by her three brothers, also comes down to culture and tradition.
She shouldn't have brought shame to the family. She shouldn't have caused the loss of face. A good Thai daughter must keep skeletons in the closet - see no evil, hear no evil and speak no evil. Instead, she must suffer in silence under all the evil. It's called filial duty.
Ask someone who works for a women's rights group. Talk with anyone who works for a children's rights group. They will tell you the horror stories of culture and tradition.
Daughters forced into prostitution, because filial duty dictates that they obey their parents and help the family.
Daughters forced into having sex with stepfathers, because filial duty dictates that they are slaves to the provider of the household. So show your gratitude.
Daughters who become pregnant, whether by rape or consensual sex, but get kicked out of the house because they have brought shame to the family.
Study history and you will find out that if you fancy a girl, all you have to do is kidnap and rape her, and her family would be obliged to offer you their daughter's hand in marriage. This is to save face and family honour.
And don't for one second think that such beliefs and practices don't persist, or that they're not accepted by many in our society today. After all, this is a matter of culture and tradition.
In 2010, the Pavena Hongsakula Foundation reported 7,855 cases of abuse, the highest number in 11 years. That is some 22 instances of abuse per day, almost one an hour. Here is a rundown of some of the reported cases.
Of rape and molestation, there were 635 cases, the highest number in 11 years. The youngest victim was three years old and the oldest was 60. Most of the perpetrators were relatives, stepfathers being the main culprits.
Of torture and imprisonment, there were 558 cases, the highest number in 11 years. The youngest victim was three days old and the oldest was 68 years old.
Of forced prostitution, there were 172 cases, the highest number in 11 years. The youngest victim was eight years old and the oldest was 40.
Bear in mind that these are only the cases that have been reported to the Pavena Hongsakula Foundation. There are many other foundations with their own documented horror stories.
To this day, society's focus is still on the topless dancing girls.
News reports on Friday said the Metropolitan Police Bureau has ordered a clampdown on girls dancing topless in public and the distribution of video clips showing such acts. Has anyone ordered a ''clampdown'' on the ''guardians'' of the 12-year-old girl?
The cabinet has been given 457 billion baht for 75 new planes for Thai Airways. How much has been given to save our children?
The cabinet has given the army 882 million baht for 13,331 guns and 4.3 billion baht for around 100 Ukrainian armoured personnel carriers. How much has been given to save our children?
Mr Issara went to see the 12-year-old girl last week to give her 2,000 baht ''to start with''. Hopefully there will be more.
The horror stories involving children are not just limited to those who have been raped, molested, kidnapped and tortured. There are also those we see every day when we walk on the pavements or drive down the streets.
The little four year old begging on the pavement at Siam Square, while privileged children - with their BlackBerries and iPhones, in high heels and pointed shoes, covered head-to-toe in skin-whitening cream - walk by without so much as a glance.
The little eight year old selling garlands at the Asoke intersection as luxury cars zoom by - driven by people who just ignore her existence, or simply shoo her away if they are stopped at the light. Heaven forbid that dirty little prai taint their shiny paint job.
We are a society that is well-practised at pointing the finger and condemning when the supposed ''crime'' is no more than just being different, no more than simply having a different set of personal values. It's a culture of ignorance and intolerance.
Add to that our apathy, our refusal to acknowledge the real evils in society, for fear of losing face, of tainting our image, and we have a tradition that is hell-bent on denying that most basic trait of any society: evolution.
I couldn't find out how much of the country's resources are being devoted to helping our unfortunate children, but why leave it to the government to help? Each and every one of us can do our part. There are agencies that help children who are victims of abuse, providing them with shelter, care and education. We all can find out how we can lend a hand at the Public Welfare Department (02-246-8652, 02-247-9485) or at the Children's Foundation (02-539-4041, 02-538-6227).
Give our children better than we've received.
Make humanity a part of our culture and tradition.
Contact Voranai Vanijaka via email at voranaiv@bangkokpost.co.th
Wednesday, April 20, 2011
'Australia Awards - Development Awards'
Hi Colleagues and friends,
Following a successful pilot in 2010, it is our pleasure to draw your
attention to the 2011 'Australia Awards - Development Awards' (Australian
Government scholarship opportunities) that are currently open to Myanmar
applicants. Please see http://www.ausaid.gov.au/scholar/pdf/burma.pdf for
the details and further questions can be directed to
scholarships.rangoon@dfat.gov.au.
Please feel free to pass this information within your organisation, and to
any exceptional external counterparts who may be interested.
Best regards,
Jillian Ray and Shaanti Sekhon
Australian Agency for International Development (AusAID)
Australian Embassy
88 Strand Road Yangon, Myanmar
Phone:+95 (0) 1 251810 ext 203 I Fax: +95 (0) 1 246159 I Mobile: +95 (0) 9
5414858
Email: jillian.ray@dfat.gov.au
Web: www.ausaid.gov.au
Following a successful pilot in 2010, it is our pleasure to draw your
attention to the 2011 'Australia Awards - Development Awards' (Australian
Government scholarship opportunities) that are currently open to Myanmar
applicants. Please see http://www.ausaid.gov.au/scholar/pdf/burma.pdf for
the details and further questions can be directed to
scholarships.rangoon@dfat.gov.au.
Please feel free to pass this information within your organisation, and to
any exceptional external counterparts who may be interested.
Best regards,
Jillian Ray and Shaanti Sekhon
Australian Agency for International Development (AusAID)
Australian Embassy
88 Strand Road Yangon, Myanmar
Phone:+95 (0) 1 251810 ext 203 I Fax: +95 (0) 1 246159 I Mobile: +95 (0) 9
5414858
Email: jillian.ray@dfat.gov.au
Web: www.ausaid.gov.au
Thursday, April 14, 2011
Thai education needs overhaul
14/04/2011 at 12:00 AM
Bangkok Post EDITORIAL
Thai students have over these past several years brought fame to the country and their educational institutions, by their outstanding performance in international competitions. Some of these extraordinary achievements included: Thai vocational students won the Harbin International Collegiate Snow Sculpture Contest championship in January this year and the year before; the King Mongkut's University of Technology (North Bangkok) won the championship prize of the World Robocup Rescue (rescue robot) contest held annually, for three years in a row since 2009; Thai students bagged altogether 27 medals, including 10 golds, in the International Mathematics and Science Olympiad for Primary Schools 2010 held in Bali, Indonesia; and a year earlier, 36 primary and junior high Thai students swept altogether 55 medals at the Asia Inter-Cities Mathematics Olympiad held in the Philippines. The list goes on.
These remarkable achievements in international contests may give an impression that the Thai educational system is quite excellent and the quality of education here is top grade. But that is just an illusion.
A closer look at all the Thai competitors reveals that most of them came from a few prestigious schools in Bangkok, namely the Sathit demonstration schools and they represent the cream of Thai students. Which must be the case for the other competitors from other countries - that is, only the top students are chosen to represent their countries.
What is rather disappointing and worrisome is that there is so much discrepancy between these minority top students and the majority who are at the bottom, with not so many rated in the middle. The recent results of the ordinary national educational tests for senior high school students, or O-net (Ordinary National Education Test), is an eye-opener regarding the Thai educational system and its quality of education, even though it is not used as the official barometer.
To several critics, including a well-known columnist at Thai Rath daily, the O-net result has been a real shock. About 350,000 senior high students across the country sat the tests in 8 basic subjects, including mathematics, science, Thai and English languages, arts and social science. Out of a score of 100 for each subject, the students scored an average of less than 50 in all the 8 subjects. For instance, the average score was 14.99 for math; 19.22 for English; 42.61 for Thai language and 30.90 for science.
One educator blamed the poor performance on the test papers; he said the papers were prepared by teachers from Sathit demonstration school and most of the questions were too difficult for the students to even understand. Others said many students did not care about the tests, which had no impact on their admission to universities.
Even if the tests were difficult, the below-par performance remains unacceptable. Something is terribly wrong somewhere - be it the educational system, the quality of teachers, or the students themselves, or all of them combined. Which needs to be fixed urgently and earnestly.
One thing that is undeniable and which poses a real problem for the quality of Thai education, is the quality of teachers at most state schools and institutions of higher learning. It was once suggested that the teachers themselves be made to sit the O-net tests to find out if they are even qualified to teach.The O-net results should serve as a wake-up call for the Education Ministry, which must realise the urgent need to overhaul the Thai educational system.
Bangkok Post EDITORIAL
Thai students have over these past several years brought fame to the country and their educational institutions, by their outstanding performance in international competitions. Some of these extraordinary achievements included: Thai vocational students won the Harbin International Collegiate Snow Sculpture Contest championship in January this year and the year before; the King Mongkut's University of Technology (North Bangkok) won the championship prize of the World Robocup Rescue (rescue robot) contest held annually, for three years in a row since 2009; Thai students bagged altogether 27 medals, including 10 golds, in the International Mathematics and Science Olympiad for Primary Schools 2010 held in Bali, Indonesia; and a year earlier, 36 primary and junior high Thai students swept altogether 55 medals at the Asia Inter-Cities Mathematics Olympiad held in the Philippines. The list goes on.
These remarkable achievements in international contests may give an impression that the Thai educational system is quite excellent and the quality of education here is top grade. But that is just an illusion.
A closer look at all the Thai competitors reveals that most of them came from a few prestigious schools in Bangkok, namely the Sathit demonstration schools and they represent the cream of Thai students. Which must be the case for the other competitors from other countries - that is, only the top students are chosen to represent their countries.
What is rather disappointing and worrisome is that there is so much discrepancy between these minority top students and the majority who are at the bottom, with not so many rated in the middle. The recent results of the ordinary national educational tests for senior high school students, or O-net (Ordinary National Education Test), is an eye-opener regarding the Thai educational system and its quality of education, even though it is not used as the official barometer.
To several critics, including a well-known columnist at Thai Rath daily, the O-net result has been a real shock. About 350,000 senior high students across the country sat the tests in 8 basic subjects, including mathematics, science, Thai and English languages, arts and social science. Out of a score of 100 for each subject, the students scored an average of less than 50 in all the 8 subjects. For instance, the average score was 14.99 for math; 19.22 for English; 42.61 for Thai language and 30.90 for science.
One educator blamed the poor performance on the test papers; he said the papers were prepared by teachers from Sathit demonstration school and most of the questions were too difficult for the students to even understand. Others said many students did not care about the tests, which had no impact on their admission to universities.
Even if the tests were difficult, the below-par performance remains unacceptable. Something is terribly wrong somewhere - be it the educational system, the quality of teachers, or the students themselves, or all of them combined. Which needs to be fixed urgently and earnestly.
One thing that is undeniable and which poses a real problem for the quality of Thai education, is the quality of teachers at most state schools and institutions of higher learning. It was once suggested that the teachers themselves be made to sit the O-net tests to find out if they are even qualified to teach.The O-net results should serve as a wake-up call for the Education Ministry, which must realise the urgent need to overhaul the Thai educational system.
Friday, April 8, 2011
Email, Letter, Attached files hte seng n'na Garan gachyan ai Lam
Dear manang ni,
Ya hte makau mi scholarship agencies de sa ai email/ letter formate ni hpe yu yang "very un-organized" byin ai majaw, Email letter, Sending files by email, and Naming attached files hte seng n'na, garan gachyan mayu ai majaw, email kadun mi ka dat ai. An hte shada ka ai shaloi na matu tsun ai n'rai. foreign agencies/officials hte scholarship agencies de ka ai shaloi na matu, shadum mayu na re.
Formal Letter/Email Format
foreign agencies/officials hte scholarship agencies de email ka ai shaloi, please don't forget to write your email in "Formal Letter Format." formal letter gara hku ka ra ai gaw nang hte chye ngut chyalu re. classroom n're majaw laga mi detail n'tsun sai. please also be formal. Masha n'mu lu ai communicate galaw ai shaloi the format of your email gaw impression lu la na matu grai ahkyek ai re. Both format and context are important.
Email and Attached file
Email hte attached files sa ai shaloi files 10 or 20 jan sha n'rai yang gaw...One email kaw e relevant files yawng shalawm ai gaw kaja dik re. files ni hpe mung orderly galaw na ahkyek ai. Dai galaw na matu, files size nau kaba taw ai rai yang, kaji kau n'na, sa mai ai.
Size of Attached files
Email services including Gmail ni gaw law malawng one email hta file size in total below 10 MB sha mai sa ai. Dai hta jan jang, "failed dilivery" byin sai. ya hte manang ni universities hte scholarship agencies de files ni sa ai shaloi, attached files size nau kaba na, sa tim n'du hkraw ai hpe mu lu ai.
Solution = Internet seng or computer hkan e "file Resizer" software programs ni nga ai re. dai majaw files ni sa na shaloi one file hpe below 1 MB tawn mu. Kaja dik gaw 100 to 500 KB taw ai gaw kaja dik re. Tinang nchye galaw jang, Internet seng kaw na ni hpe garum hpyi la mai ai.
Naming files
Email kaw attached files shalawm ai shaloi...file name 1,2,3,4 n're sha....relevant or appropriate file name ni shakap na ahkyek ai. "Formal Email Letter" ngu ai professionalism kaw e, ndai file name ni jaw jaw shakap ai mung lawm ai re. Grai galu wa n'rai tim, chye na mai ai hku, shakap ai hpe tsun ai re.
Email gaw face to face masha nmu lu ai hku communicate galaw ai re majaw, Marketing/ Advertisement/ Promotion zawn tinang na email a professionalism gaw ga shaga ai re. especially when we deal with foreigners and officials. Myit dum let akyu jashawn lu na matu le yaw.
I wish you guys have success.
Ya hte makau mi scholarship agencies de sa ai email/ letter formate ni hpe yu yang "very un-organized" byin ai majaw, Email letter, Sending files by email, and Naming attached files hte seng n'na, garan gachyan mayu ai majaw, email kadun mi ka dat ai. An hte shada ka ai shaloi na matu tsun ai n'rai. foreign agencies/officials hte scholarship agencies de ka ai shaloi na matu, shadum mayu na re.
Formal Letter/Email Format
foreign agencies/officials hte scholarship agencies de email ka ai shaloi, please don't forget to write your email in "Formal Letter Format." formal letter gara hku ka ra ai gaw nang hte chye ngut chyalu re. classroom n're majaw laga mi detail n'tsun sai. please also be formal. Masha n'mu lu ai communicate galaw ai shaloi the format of your email gaw impression lu la na matu grai ahkyek ai re. Both format and context are important.
Email and Attached file
Email hte attached files sa ai shaloi files 10 or 20 jan sha n'rai yang gaw...One email kaw e relevant files yawng shalawm ai gaw kaja dik re. files ni hpe mung orderly galaw na ahkyek ai. Dai galaw na matu, files size nau kaba taw ai rai yang, kaji kau n'na, sa mai ai.
Size of Attached files
Email services including Gmail ni gaw law malawng one email hta file size in total below 10 MB sha mai sa ai. Dai hta jan jang, "failed dilivery" byin sai. ya hte manang ni universities hte scholarship agencies de files ni sa ai shaloi, attached files size nau kaba na, sa tim n'du hkraw ai hpe mu lu ai.
Solution = Internet seng or computer hkan e "file Resizer" software programs ni nga ai re. dai majaw files ni sa na shaloi one file hpe below 1 MB tawn mu. Kaja dik gaw 100 to 500 KB taw ai gaw kaja dik re. Tinang nchye galaw jang, Internet seng kaw na ni hpe garum hpyi la mai ai.
Naming files
Email kaw attached files shalawm ai shaloi...file name 1,2,3,4 n're sha....relevant or appropriate file name ni shakap na ahkyek ai. "Formal Email Letter" ngu ai professionalism kaw e, ndai file name ni jaw jaw shakap ai mung lawm ai re. Grai galu wa n'rai tim, chye na mai ai hku, shakap ai hpe tsun ai re.
Email gaw face to face masha nmu lu ai hku communicate galaw ai re majaw, Marketing/ Advertisement/ Promotion zawn tinang na email a professionalism gaw ga shaga ai re. especially when we deal with foreigners and officials. Myit dum let akyu jashawn lu na matu le yaw.
I wish you guys have success.
Wednesday, April 6, 2011
Sunday, March 27, 2011
Myanmar gems sale nets record $2.8 billion
Ndai bat Yangon kaw galaw ai lung seng dut poi da, Myen Asuya hte shan hte a rau lu rau sha hpaga la ni kawn, lungseng dut lu gumhpraw American US dollar 2,800,000,000 $ lu la ma ai lam, chye lu ai.
Ndai gaw myen gumhpraw hku n'na sawn dat yang, 2,800,000,000,000 Kyat (Jing hpaw hku, "Wan Wan Lahkawng Sen Matsat") lu la ma ai lam chye lu ai. Ndai gaw laning mi hta 3/4 lang galaw ai Lungseng dut poi hta na, ndai bat galaw ai alang kaw na sha rai nga ai.
Daini Wunpawng buga na, manu dan ai lung seng gaw, Dagam dala tai nga sai. Lamu ga madu Wunpawng Amyu ni gaw Jalungseng kawn lu ai Akyu ara hpe tsep kawp nlu hkap sha nga ai. Grau n'na, ndai Lungseng dut la lu ai Gumhpraw hte lu su ai Myen Asuya gaw, dai gumhpraw ni hte sinat lak nak hpyen la bau n'na, Wunpawng Amyu sha ni hpe zingri nga ma ai.
Myen gaw wunpawng Amyu ni a hpyen jet dik nga sai. Anhte Wunpawng Amyu ni tinang mungdaw tinang up hkang ai ni tai n'na, tinang lamu ga kaw nga ai n'hprang rai ni hpe, tinang Amyu sha ni hpe, garan jaw ya ai Asuya ra nga saga ai.
Ndai ten hta Myen Asuya hte jinghku hku n'na, tinang Amyu masha ni a shingma n'tsa, mangting Amyet tam lawm ai ni, kaw, anhte Wunpawng Amyu sha ni n'lawm na, ahkyek nga ai. Wunpawng mungdan Self-autonomy lu na rawt malan hkrun lam hta, pat dut dang ai ni, n'tai na, anhte ahkyek nga ai.
Hpyen a akyu ara hte tinang Amyu sha akyu ra hpe gin hka n'na, Wunpawng Amyu sha ni a rawt malang hkrun lam hta, pan dung langai, myit hkrum myit ra, lata gindun sa wa nga nga ai.
http://www.burmanet.org/news/2011/03/25/reuters-myanmar-gems-sale-nets-record-2-8-billion-%E2%80%93-official-aung-hla-tun/
Ndai gaw myen gumhpraw hku n'na sawn dat yang, 2,800,000,000,000 Kyat (Jing hpaw hku, "Wan Wan Lahkawng Sen Matsat") lu la ma ai lam chye lu ai. Ndai gaw laning mi hta 3/4 lang galaw ai Lungseng dut poi hta na, ndai bat galaw ai alang kaw na sha rai nga ai.
Daini Wunpawng buga na, manu dan ai lung seng gaw, Dagam dala tai nga sai. Lamu ga madu Wunpawng Amyu ni gaw Jalungseng kawn lu ai Akyu ara hpe tsep kawp nlu hkap sha nga ai. Grau n'na, ndai Lungseng dut la lu ai Gumhpraw hte lu su ai Myen Asuya gaw, dai gumhpraw ni hte sinat lak nak hpyen la bau n'na, Wunpawng Amyu sha ni hpe zingri nga ma ai.
Myen gaw wunpawng Amyu ni a hpyen jet dik nga sai. Anhte Wunpawng Amyu ni tinang mungdaw tinang up hkang ai ni tai n'na, tinang lamu ga kaw nga ai n'hprang rai ni hpe, tinang Amyu sha ni hpe, garan jaw ya ai Asuya ra nga saga ai.
Ndai ten hta Myen Asuya hte jinghku hku n'na, tinang Amyu masha ni a shingma n'tsa, mangting Amyet tam lawm ai ni, kaw, anhte Wunpawng Amyu sha ni n'lawm na, ahkyek nga ai. Wunpawng mungdan Self-autonomy lu na rawt malan hkrun lam hta, pat dut dang ai ni, n'tai na, anhte ahkyek nga ai.
Hpyen a akyu ara hte tinang Amyu sha akyu ra hpe gin hka n'na, Wunpawng Amyu sha ni a rawt malang hkrun lam hta, pan dung langai, myit hkrum myit ra, lata gindun sa wa nga nga ai.
http://www.burmanet.org/news/2011/03/25/reuters-myanmar-gems-sale-nets-record-2-8-billion-%E2%80%93-official-aung-hla-tun/
Sunday, March 20, 2011
Friday, March 18, 2011
Scholarship available for Master Degree in Water Engineering and Management
I am pleased to inform you that there is one available full-Scholarship from Germany namely DAAD (Deutscher Akademischer Austausch Dienst) for Master Degree in Water Engineering and Management at Asian Institute of Technology for coming August intake, 2011.
Please kindly see the brief requirements for the applicant of this scholarship;
To apply, applicants:
1) Must be a citizen of Myanmar
2) Should be not more than 28 years of age at the time applying
3) Preferably Background - Civil Engineering (others such as Mechanical/Chemical Engineering are also encourage to apply)
3) Must obtain minimum GPA of 3.00/4.00 (or equivalent (75%)).
4) Should have TOEFL of at least 550 (paper based) or 213 (computer based) or IELTS of at least 6.0 is mandatory.
The official website of Asian Institute Technology can be accessed through ~
www.ait.ac.th
Course catalog and all you need to know about ‘Water Engineering and Management can be accessed from ~
http://www.set.ait.ac.th/wem/
All detail information of DAAD Scholarship can be seen from ~
http://www.ait.ac.th/AIT/admissions/Current_Scholarships
(For those who have difficulties in accessing those links, please see the attached files)
As this is urgent calling, the applicant should submit all the required documents to the school not later than this month, March 2011.
For those who are interested to apply for this scholarship or any information, question you have, you are welcome to access me by mail or phone anytime.
Please kindly forward this mail too, if your friend or somebody from your network group who is interest in this subject.
Thank you very much.
Best Wishes,
Thang Za Khai
Ph: 0880896744
Email: Thang.Za.Khai@ait.ac.th
htzkhai@gmail.com
School of Engineering and Technology,
Asian Institute of Technology,
Bangkok, Thailand,
Please kindly see the brief requirements for the applicant of this scholarship;
To apply, applicants:
1) Must be a citizen of Myanmar
2) Should be not more than 28 years of age at the time applying
3) Preferably Background - Civil Engineering (others such as Mechanical/Chemical Engineering are also encourage to apply)
3) Must obtain minimum GPA of 3.00/4.00 (or equivalent (75%)).
4) Should have TOEFL of at least 550 (paper based) or 213 (computer based) or IELTS of at least 6.0 is mandatory.
The official website of Asian Institute Technology can be accessed through ~
www.ait.ac.th
Course catalog and all you need to know about ‘Water Engineering and Management can be accessed from ~
http://www.set.ait.ac.th/wem/
All detail information of DAAD Scholarship can be seen from ~
http://www.ait.ac.th/AIT/admissions/Current_Scholarships
(For those who have difficulties in accessing those links, please see the attached files)
As this is urgent calling, the applicant should submit all the required documents to the school not later than this month, March 2011.
For those who are interested to apply for this scholarship or any information, question you have, you are welcome to access me by mail or phone anytime.
Please kindly forward this mail too, if your friend or somebody from your network group who is interest in this subject.
Thank you very much.
Best Wishes,
Thang Za Khai
Ph: 0880896744
Email: Thang.Za.Khai@ait.ac.th
htzkhai@gmail.com
School of Engineering and Technology,
Asian Institute of Technology,
Bangkok, Thailand,
Saturday, March 12, 2011
China should halt Myitsone Dam Project in Burma
March 4, 2011
Ethnic Kachin people in Kachin State, northern Burma and their fellows in Thailand, Japan, US and UK in early February held a world-wide prayer service seeking to halt the unwanted Myitsone Dam being built in their hometown by the governments of Burma and China. Back in their homeland, particularly Tang Hpre Village which locates at the construction site of the Myitsone Dam, over a hundred participants from Baptist, Roman Catholic and other Christian denominations joined in the February 9th prayer in the hope of escape from forced relocation and halting the dam project, a local media Kachin News Group has reported.
The dam that the people in northern Burma are opposing is the largest among seven dams currently implemented on the Irrawaddy River by the Burmese military regime’s Burma’s Ministry of Electric Power No 1 and China state-owned China Power Investment Corporation (CPI). The dam is reported to be 152 m (about 500 foot) in both height and width, locates about 3.2 km below the confluence of the Mali Hka River and N’Mai Hka River and about 42 km north of Myitkyina, the capital of Kachin State. It is estimated that Myitsone Dam would produce 3,600 megawatts of electricity by 2017 for China’s Yunnan province. Research by environmentalists suggested that the dam will inundate 300 square miles, flooding 47 villages and displacing more than 10,000 native people including their historical heritages sites and farm lands.
One may wonder why these people in northern Burma conducted such unrealistic or superstitious prayer to seek halt the unwanted dam in their hometown, instead of holding a public demonstration to expression their opposition views to the regime and China. The fact is that freedom of speech; the rights to protest are forbidden and punishable if conducted in Burma (Myanmar), the military-ruled Southeast Asian. Yet here people still come up with different forms of expressing their views which is to hold a prayer service quietly and tell the media that they are doing this because they don’t want such plan of the government.
According to news reports, these native people learnt about this huge hydropower dam to be built right at their village only after when they witnessed several groups of Chinese engineers began to drill their surrounding lands with huge machines and the government deployed a army battalion for security in early 2007. The Burmese regime and China state-owned China Power Investment Corporation (CPI) including several contractors signed agreement for the construction of these dams several years ago, without revealing any information about the plans to native people in the affected areas. “Villagers even find difficult to figure out what is going on their surroundings. Many people simply thought it was another kind of mining,” a pastor in Myitkyina told the author on online interview. From media reports and my direct observation with people in the affected areas, there has been no transparency, no consideration of human rights, respect for stakeholders interest, and respect of international norms of business behaviors by the Burmese regime, Chinese government and their contractors with regard to these dams. According to ISO 26000’s Principle No.2, “an organization should be transparent in its decisions and activities that impact on society and the environment.” Business enterprises are expected to disclose information of the purpose, nature and location of their activities, their impact on society and the environment, and the relationships with their stakeholders. However none of these principles have been taken into consideration by the Burmese government and Chinese companies.
Worse, the Burmese and Chinese governments not even bother to respond when the local community leaders and human rights organizations sent letters in May 2007 asking Chinese companies operating in Burma to conduct environmental and social impact assessments, publicly release information, and include affected communities in the decision-making process.
In early February three bombs exploded in the Myitsone dam construction site leaving 4 Chinese workers dead and 12 other injured, it is reported. The explosions also caused severe damage to a construction company’s two-storey office and several company-owned trucks and bulldozers. Burmese authorities arrested several suspects of youths and community leaders. Authorities released some of the arrested youths, nevertheless warned that all youth and communities leaders in Tang Hpre Village would be held responsible if there is such accident in the future, without giving any solution to the community’s concern. After such warning, the government’s Burmese prime contractor Asia World Company together with the military authorities began forcing villagers to a designed area. According to Naw La of the Kachin Development Networking Group (KDNG) which published a report “Damming the Irrawaddy” in October 2007, Tang Hpre villagers are set deadline to move from their homes by the end of this month which had prompted them to hold prayer service since they have no other option.
Giving the fact of Burma’s poor human rights record and ongoing internal civil war conflict, Human rights and environmentalist activists warned China that it should not engage in such huge and controversial project. They also claimed that citizens will not benefit from the hydropower project since the military will only use income generating from the project to future grip on the country’s political power. From the side of Chinese government and companies, one may reason they have business interest because of profit and power hungry demand of China’s growing industries. However as a growing super power I realized that China’s involvement in the Myitsone Dam can undermine its reputation because the project involved extreme environmental consequence and human rights violation. It can be also costly because the dam construction site is right in the middle areas of political conflict between Burmese regime and the Kachin Independence Army which is one of Burma’s largest ethnic armed forced and which controls much areas of Kachin State. The KIA had officially stated to the Burmese regime that it did not want Myitsone Dam to be built because of huge social and environmental impact, and demanded to halt this plan. This also clearly signaled to Chinese government and companies involved in the project that such controversial plan could nowhere be completed amid such vulnerable arm conflict while majority of population in Kachin State oppose the Myitsone Dam likewise.
Other dam projects may be optional, but due to above mentioned reasons, China and Burmese regime should really consider if they are to precede the Myitsone Dam. The best solution is to halt this plan.
Ethnic Kachin people in Kachin State, northern Burma and their fellows in Thailand, Japan, US and UK in early February held a world-wide prayer service seeking to halt the unwanted Myitsone Dam being built in their hometown by the governments of Burma and China. Back in their homeland, particularly Tang Hpre Village which locates at the construction site of the Myitsone Dam, over a hundred participants from Baptist, Roman Catholic and other Christian denominations joined in the February 9th prayer in the hope of escape from forced relocation and halting the dam project, a local media Kachin News Group has reported.
The dam that the people in northern Burma are opposing is the largest among seven dams currently implemented on the Irrawaddy River by the Burmese military regime’s Burma’s Ministry of Electric Power No 1 and China state-owned China Power Investment Corporation (CPI). The dam is reported to be 152 m (about 500 foot) in both height and width, locates about 3.2 km below the confluence of the Mali Hka River and N’Mai Hka River and about 42 km north of Myitkyina, the capital of Kachin State. It is estimated that Myitsone Dam would produce 3,600 megawatts of electricity by 2017 for China’s Yunnan province. Research by environmentalists suggested that the dam will inundate 300 square miles, flooding 47 villages and displacing more than 10,000 native people including their historical heritages sites and farm lands.
One may wonder why these people in northern Burma conducted such unrealistic or superstitious prayer to seek halt the unwanted dam in their hometown, instead of holding a public demonstration to expression their opposition views to the regime and China. The fact is that freedom of speech; the rights to protest are forbidden and punishable if conducted in Burma (Myanmar), the military-ruled Southeast Asian. Yet here people still come up with different forms of expressing their views which is to hold a prayer service quietly and tell the media that they are doing this because they don’t want such plan of the government.
According to news reports, these native people learnt about this huge hydropower dam to be built right at their village only after when they witnessed several groups of Chinese engineers began to drill their surrounding lands with huge machines and the government deployed a army battalion for security in early 2007. The Burmese regime and China state-owned China Power Investment Corporation (CPI) including several contractors signed agreement for the construction of these dams several years ago, without revealing any information about the plans to native people in the affected areas. “Villagers even find difficult to figure out what is going on their surroundings. Many people simply thought it was another kind of mining,” a pastor in Myitkyina told the author on online interview. From media reports and my direct observation with people in the affected areas, there has been no transparency, no consideration of human rights, respect for stakeholders interest, and respect of international norms of business behaviors by the Burmese regime, Chinese government and their contractors with regard to these dams. According to ISO 26000’s Principle No.2, “an organization should be transparent in its decisions and activities that impact on society and the environment.” Business enterprises are expected to disclose information of the purpose, nature and location of their activities, their impact on society and the environment, and the relationships with their stakeholders. However none of these principles have been taken into consideration by the Burmese government and Chinese companies.
Worse, the Burmese and Chinese governments not even bother to respond when the local community leaders and human rights organizations sent letters in May 2007 asking Chinese companies operating in Burma to conduct environmental and social impact assessments, publicly release information, and include affected communities in the decision-making process.
In early February three bombs exploded in the Myitsone dam construction site leaving 4 Chinese workers dead and 12 other injured, it is reported. The explosions also caused severe damage to a construction company’s two-storey office and several company-owned trucks and bulldozers. Burmese authorities arrested several suspects of youths and community leaders. Authorities released some of the arrested youths, nevertheless warned that all youth and communities leaders in Tang Hpre Village would be held responsible if there is such accident in the future, without giving any solution to the community’s concern. After such warning, the government’s Burmese prime contractor Asia World Company together with the military authorities began forcing villagers to a designed area. According to Naw La of the Kachin Development Networking Group (KDNG) which published a report “Damming the Irrawaddy” in October 2007, Tang Hpre villagers are set deadline to move from their homes by the end of this month which had prompted them to hold prayer service since they have no other option.
Giving the fact of Burma’s poor human rights record and ongoing internal civil war conflict, Human rights and environmentalist activists warned China that it should not engage in such huge and controversial project. They also claimed that citizens will not benefit from the hydropower project since the military will only use income generating from the project to future grip on the country’s political power. From the side of Chinese government and companies, one may reason they have business interest because of profit and power hungry demand of China’s growing industries. However as a growing super power I realized that China’s involvement in the Myitsone Dam can undermine its reputation because the project involved extreme environmental consequence and human rights violation. It can be also costly because the dam construction site is right in the middle areas of political conflict between Burmese regime and the Kachin Independence Army which is one of Burma’s largest ethnic armed forced and which controls much areas of Kachin State. The KIA had officially stated to the Burmese regime that it did not want Myitsone Dam to be built because of huge social and environmental impact, and demanded to halt this plan. This also clearly signaled to Chinese government and companies involved in the project that such controversial plan could nowhere be completed amid such vulnerable arm conflict while majority of population in Kachin State oppose the Myitsone Dam likewise.
Other dam projects may be optional, but due to above mentioned reasons, China and Burmese regime should really consider if they are to precede the Myitsone Dam. The best solution is to halt this plan.
National Dong Hwa University (Taiwan) Scholarship
Dear NDHU candidates,
Application for National Dong Hwa University 2011 Fall semseter has already started online http://web.ndhu.edu.tw/foreignstudents/login.aspx. We expect unique students from diversive backgrounds to join our vibrant and multicultural campus. Please visit our website http://www.iso.ndhu.edu.tw/ for detailed information on Internation Students.
We are looking forward to hearing from you! Please feel free to contact us if you would like to know more!
International Student Office
National Dong Hwa University
http://www.iso.ndhu.edu.tw/
TEL: 886-3-8632134
FAX: 886-3-8632130
Email:iso@mail.ndhu.edu.tw
Add: No.1, Sec.2, Da Hsueh Rd., Shoufen,
Hualien 97401, Taiwan, R.O.C.
Application for National Dong Hwa University 2011 Fall semseter has already started online http://web.ndhu.edu.tw/foreignstudents/login.aspx. We expect unique students from diversive backgrounds to join our vibrant and multicultural campus. Please visit our website http://www.iso.ndhu.edu.tw/ for detailed information on Internation Students.
We are looking forward to hearing from you! Please feel free to contact us if you would like to know more!
International Student Office
National Dong Hwa University
http://www.iso.ndhu.edu.tw/
TEL: 886-3-8632134
FAX: 886-3-8632130
Email:iso@mail.ndhu.edu.tw
Add: No.1, Sec.2, Da Hsueh Rd., Shoufen,
Hualien 97401, Taiwan, R.O.C.
Saturday, January 15, 2011
People Power Succeeds Without Western Backing
By EMAD MEKAY / IPS WRITER Saturday, January 15, 2011
CAIRO — These are scenes Western powers would have loved to see in Iran—thousands of young people braving live bullets and forcing an autocratic ruler out of the country. But it is in the North African nation Tunisia where an uprising forced the Western-backed autocratic President Zine el Abidine Ben Ali to flee the country.
Western powers remain incredulous. France, the real power broker in the Franco North African nation, was giving Ben Ali tacit support until an hour before he fled Friday.
The French Foreign Ministry said it "backs" the measures announced by Ben Ali by way of overtures to the protestors, but asked for more freedoms. In effect France ignored the movement’s demand for Ben Ali to go, and addressed Ben Ali as the legitimate leader.
The United States was clearly far more busy with the collapse of the government in Lebanon, a country critical to the main US ally in the region, Israel, after the Lebanese opposition withdrew their minister from the coalition government.
Most of the reaction from other Western powers has been that they are "concerned" about the events and that they want their citizens there pulled out, and others warned against travel to Tunisia.
To date, at least 100 people have been killed, hundreds injured and millions of dollars in losses reported.
Ben Ali ruled the country since 1987. Like many other Western-backed Arab rulers, he ruled with an iron fist, leading to massive human rights abuses, widespread corruption and lack of democracy.
When a young street hawker named Mohammed Bouazizi set himself on fire in mid-December to protest unemployment and corruption in the central town Sidi Buzeid, Western capitals didn’t react. Ben Ali, it was assumed, was sure to crush the protests that followed in no time.
Looking his confident self, Ben Ali initially refused almost all of the demands of the protesters in the town and its neighboring cities. But the protests continued unabated across most of Tunisia.
On Thursday night, Ben Ali stood shaken as he talked to his people through TV cameras. Appealing for "understanding" from the people he ruled for more than 23 years and asking for a new page, he promised to end orders to shoot at demonstrators.
It did not stop people. Thousands marched Friday afternoon to the interior ministry, the symbol of decades-long brutality.
"We want bread, and water and no Ben Ali", hand-written signs said, as seen in videos leaked online by activists during the protests.
The aerial views in Tunisia on Friday were reminiscent of Iran of 1979, when thousands marched to topple another Western-supported dictator, the Shah of Iran, and at a much faster pace.
Now Western powers led by the United States have invested millions of dollars in both covert and overt operations to bring the assertive, and occasionally anti-Western regime in Iran to its knees, and bring "regime change".
Western powers would have like people power to succeed in Iran rather than Tunisia. The last strong people movement in Iran was the Green Movement against the disputed presidential elections in 2009. But the movement could not topple the regime.
People in Tunisia had no such support from the West. Internet bloggers had hoped someone would come to their aid.
Blogger Sami Ben Gharbia wrote: "Sidi Bouzid discredited The West. U want regime change in Iran and not in #Tunisa? Well, we will democratize to #tunisia 1st, by ourselves!"
Fortunately for the protesters, the West cannot take credit for the revolution that forced concessions from Ben Ali almost on an hourly basis towards the end, and then threw him out.
Last week, President Ben Ali fired three members of his cabinet. On Wednesday, he called in the army to protect the capital city and important government buildings.
On Thursday, he fired top aides including the interior minister who had ordered the shoot-to-kill policy during the protests; a policy that initially led to the death of at least 60 people.
In his last attempts to hang on to power, Ben Ali ordered a night curfew. But online videos continued to show clashes with the police on Friday and scenes of widespread protests. Mega-stores with French-sounding names were shut down.
Many streets were deserted and shopping areas visibly empty. Only police forces in riot gear and angry demonstrators, most of them young people, were to be seen.
On Friday afternoon, Ben Ali dissolved the cabinet and parliament, and ordered early elections within six months. A couple of hours later, he imposed emergency law in the country. But another two hours later, Arab TV stations reported he had fled the country.
CAIRO — These are scenes Western powers would have loved to see in Iran—thousands of young people braving live bullets and forcing an autocratic ruler out of the country. But it is in the North African nation Tunisia where an uprising forced the Western-backed autocratic President Zine el Abidine Ben Ali to flee the country.
Western powers remain incredulous. France, the real power broker in the Franco North African nation, was giving Ben Ali tacit support until an hour before he fled Friday.
The French Foreign Ministry said it "backs" the measures announced by Ben Ali by way of overtures to the protestors, but asked for more freedoms. In effect France ignored the movement’s demand for Ben Ali to go, and addressed Ben Ali as the legitimate leader.
The United States was clearly far more busy with the collapse of the government in Lebanon, a country critical to the main US ally in the region, Israel, after the Lebanese opposition withdrew their minister from the coalition government.
Most of the reaction from other Western powers has been that they are "concerned" about the events and that they want their citizens there pulled out, and others warned against travel to Tunisia.
To date, at least 100 people have been killed, hundreds injured and millions of dollars in losses reported.
Ben Ali ruled the country since 1987. Like many other Western-backed Arab rulers, he ruled with an iron fist, leading to massive human rights abuses, widespread corruption and lack of democracy.
When a young street hawker named Mohammed Bouazizi set himself on fire in mid-December to protest unemployment and corruption in the central town Sidi Buzeid, Western capitals didn’t react. Ben Ali, it was assumed, was sure to crush the protests that followed in no time.
Looking his confident self, Ben Ali initially refused almost all of the demands of the protesters in the town and its neighboring cities. But the protests continued unabated across most of Tunisia.
On Thursday night, Ben Ali stood shaken as he talked to his people through TV cameras. Appealing for "understanding" from the people he ruled for more than 23 years and asking for a new page, he promised to end orders to shoot at demonstrators.
It did not stop people. Thousands marched Friday afternoon to the interior ministry, the symbol of decades-long brutality.
"We want bread, and water and no Ben Ali", hand-written signs said, as seen in videos leaked online by activists during the protests.
The aerial views in Tunisia on Friday were reminiscent of Iran of 1979, when thousands marched to topple another Western-supported dictator, the Shah of Iran, and at a much faster pace.
Now Western powers led by the United States have invested millions of dollars in both covert and overt operations to bring the assertive, and occasionally anti-Western regime in Iran to its knees, and bring "regime change".
Western powers would have like people power to succeed in Iran rather than Tunisia. The last strong people movement in Iran was the Green Movement against the disputed presidential elections in 2009. But the movement could not topple the regime.
People in Tunisia had no such support from the West. Internet bloggers had hoped someone would come to their aid.
Blogger Sami Ben Gharbia wrote: "Sidi Bouzid discredited The West. U want regime change in Iran and not in #Tunisa? Well, we will democratize to #tunisia 1st, by ourselves!"
Fortunately for the protesters, the West cannot take credit for the revolution that forced concessions from Ben Ali almost on an hourly basis towards the end, and then threw him out.
Last week, President Ben Ali fired three members of his cabinet. On Wednesday, he called in the army to protect the capital city and important government buildings.
On Thursday, he fired top aides including the interior minister who had ordered the shoot-to-kill policy during the protests; a policy that initially led to the death of at least 60 people.
In his last attempts to hang on to power, Ben Ali ordered a night curfew. But online videos continued to show clashes with the police on Friday and scenes of widespread protests. Mega-stores with French-sounding names were shut down.
Many streets were deserted and shopping areas visibly empty. Only police forces in riot gear and angry demonstrators, most of them young people, were to be seen.
On Friday afternoon, Ben Ali dissolved the cabinet and parliament, and ordered early elections within six months. A couple of hours later, he imposed emergency law in the country. But another two hours later, Arab TV stations reported he had fled the country.
Thursday, January 13, 2011
GAZAN YOUTH’S MANIFESTO FOR CHANGE
Fuck Hamas. Fuck Israel. Fuck Fatah. Fuck UN. Fuck UNWRA. Fuck USA! We, the youth in Gaza, are so fed up with Israel, Hamas, the occupation, the violations of human rights and the indifference of the international community! We want to scream and break this wall of silence, injustice and indifference like the Israeli F16’s breaking the wall of sound; scream with all the power in our souls in order to release this immense frustration that consumes us because of this fucking situation we live in; we are like lice between two nails living a nightmare inside a nightmare, no room for hope, no space for freedom. We are sick of being caught in this political struggle; sick of coal dark nights with airplanes circling above our homes; sick of innocent farmers getting shot in the buffer zone because they are taking care of their lands; sick of bearded guys walking around with their guns abusing their power, beating up or incarcerating young people demonstrating for what they believe in; sick of the wall of shame that separates us from the rest of our country and keeps us imprisoned in a stamp-sized piece of land; sick of being portrayed as terrorists, homemade fanatics with explosives in our pockets and evil in our eyes; sick of the indifference we meet from the international community, the so-called experts in expressing concerns and drafting resolutions but cowards in enforcing anything they agree on; we are sick and tired of living a shitty life, being kept in jail by Israel, beaten up by Hamas and completely ignored by the rest of the world.
There is a revolution growing inside of us, an immense dissatisfaction and frustration that will destroy us unless we find a way of canalizing this energy into something that can challenge the status quo and give us some kind of hope. The final drop that made our hearts tremble with frustration and hopelessness happened 30rd November, when Hamas’ officers came to Sharek Youth Forum, a leading youth organization (www.sharek.ps) with their guns, lies and aggressiveness, throwing everybody outside, incarcerating some and prohibiting Sharek from working. A few days later, demonstrators in front of Sharek were beaten and some incarcerated. We are really living a nightmare inside a nightmare. It is difficult to find words for the pressure we are under. We barely survived the Operation Cast Lead, where Israel very effectively bombed the shit out of us, destroying thousands of homes and even more lives and dreams. They did not get rid of Hamas, as they intended, but they sure scared us forever and distributed post traumatic stress syndrome to everybody, as there was nowhere to run.
We are youth with heavy hearts. We carry in ourselves a heaviness so immense that it makes it difficult to us to enjoy the sunset. How to enjoy it when dark clouds paint the horizon and bleak memories run past our eyes every time we close them? We smile in order to hide the pain. We laugh in order to forget the war. We hope in order not to commit suicide here and now. During the war we got the unmistakable feeling that Israel wanted to erase us from the face of the earth. During the last years Hamas has been doing all they can to control our thoughts, behaviour and aspirations. We are a generation of young people used to face missiles, carrying what seems to be a impossible mission of living a normal and healthy life, and only barely tolerated by a massive organization that has spread in our society as a malicious cancer disease, causing mayhem and effectively killing all living cells, thoughts and dreams on its way as well as paralyzing people with its terror regime. Not to mention the prison we live in, a prison sustained by a so-called democratic country.
History is repeating itself in its most cruel way and nobody seems to care. We are scared. Here in Gaza we are scared of being incarcerated, interrogated, hit, tortured, bombed, killed. We are afraid of living, because every single step we take has to be considered and well-thought, there are limitations everywhere, we cannot move as we want, say what we want, do what we want, sometimes we even cant think what we want because the occupation has occupied our brains and hearts so terrible that it hurts and it makes us want to shed endless tears of frustration and rage!
We do not want to hate, we do not want to feel all of this feelings, we do not want to be victims anymore. ENOUGH! Enough pain, enough tears, enough suffering, enough control, limitations, unjust justifications, terror, torture, excuses, bombings, sleepless nights, dead civilians, black memories, bleak future, heart aching present, disturbed politics, fanatic politicians, religious bullshit, enough incarceration! WE SAY STOP! This is not the future we want!
We want three things. We want to be free. We want to be able to live a normal life. We want peace. Is that too much to ask? We are a peace movement consistent of young people in Gaza and supporters elsewhere that will not rest until the truth about Gaza is known by everybody in this whole world and in such a degree that no more silent consent or loud indifference will be accepted.
This is the Gazan youth’s manifesto for change!
We will start by destroying the occupation that surrounds ourselves, we will break free from this mental incarceration and regain our dignity and self respect. We will carry our heads high even though we will face resistance. We will work day and night in order to change these miserable conditions we are living under. We will build dreams where we meet walls.
We only hope that you – yes, you reading this statement right now! – can support us. In order to find out how, please write on our wall or contact us directly: freegazayouth@hotmail.com
We want to be free, we want to live, we want peace.
FREE GAZA YOUTH!
GYBO
December, 2010
More to follow:
http://english.aljazeera.net/indepth/opinion/2011/01/2011112811622377.html
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2011/jan/02/free-gaza-youth-manifesto-palestinian
There is a revolution growing inside of us, an immense dissatisfaction and frustration that will destroy us unless we find a way of canalizing this energy into something that can challenge the status quo and give us some kind of hope. The final drop that made our hearts tremble with frustration and hopelessness happened 30rd November, when Hamas’ officers came to Sharek Youth Forum, a leading youth organization (www.sharek.ps) with their guns, lies and aggressiveness, throwing everybody outside, incarcerating some and prohibiting Sharek from working. A few days later, demonstrators in front of Sharek were beaten and some incarcerated. We are really living a nightmare inside a nightmare. It is difficult to find words for the pressure we are under. We barely survived the Operation Cast Lead, where Israel very effectively bombed the shit out of us, destroying thousands of homes and even more lives and dreams. They did not get rid of Hamas, as they intended, but they sure scared us forever and distributed post traumatic stress syndrome to everybody, as there was nowhere to run.
We are youth with heavy hearts. We carry in ourselves a heaviness so immense that it makes it difficult to us to enjoy the sunset. How to enjoy it when dark clouds paint the horizon and bleak memories run past our eyes every time we close them? We smile in order to hide the pain. We laugh in order to forget the war. We hope in order not to commit suicide here and now. During the war we got the unmistakable feeling that Israel wanted to erase us from the face of the earth. During the last years Hamas has been doing all they can to control our thoughts, behaviour and aspirations. We are a generation of young people used to face missiles, carrying what seems to be a impossible mission of living a normal and healthy life, and only barely tolerated by a massive organization that has spread in our society as a malicious cancer disease, causing mayhem and effectively killing all living cells, thoughts and dreams on its way as well as paralyzing people with its terror regime. Not to mention the prison we live in, a prison sustained by a so-called democratic country.
History is repeating itself in its most cruel way and nobody seems to care. We are scared. Here in Gaza we are scared of being incarcerated, interrogated, hit, tortured, bombed, killed. We are afraid of living, because every single step we take has to be considered and well-thought, there are limitations everywhere, we cannot move as we want, say what we want, do what we want, sometimes we even cant think what we want because the occupation has occupied our brains and hearts so terrible that it hurts and it makes us want to shed endless tears of frustration and rage!
We do not want to hate, we do not want to feel all of this feelings, we do not want to be victims anymore. ENOUGH! Enough pain, enough tears, enough suffering, enough control, limitations, unjust justifications, terror, torture, excuses, bombings, sleepless nights, dead civilians, black memories, bleak future, heart aching present, disturbed politics, fanatic politicians, religious bullshit, enough incarceration! WE SAY STOP! This is not the future we want!
We want three things. We want to be free. We want to be able to live a normal life. We want peace. Is that too much to ask? We are a peace movement consistent of young people in Gaza and supporters elsewhere that will not rest until the truth about Gaza is known by everybody in this whole world and in such a degree that no more silent consent or loud indifference will be accepted.
This is the Gazan youth’s manifesto for change!
We will start by destroying the occupation that surrounds ourselves, we will break free from this mental incarceration and regain our dignity and self respect. We will carry our heads high even though we will face resistance. We will work day and night in order to change these miserable conditions we are living under. We will build dreams where we meet walls.
We only hope that you – yes, you reading this statement right now! – can support us. In order to find out how, please write on our wall or contact us directly: freegazayouth@hotmail.com
We want to be free, we want to live, we want peace.
FREE GAZA YOUTH!
GYBO
December, 2010
More to follow:
http://english.aljazeera.net/indepth/opinion/2011/01/2011112811622377.html
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2011/jan/02/free-gaza-youth-manifesto-palestinian
Tuesday, January 11, 2011
Asia and Pacific- Special Youth Programme 2011
We are pleased to advertise the following opening for the Special Youth Programme:
JOB ID NO.: 1728
CLOSING DATE: 20 January 2011 (5pm New York time)
POST TITLE: Asia and Pacific- Special Youth Programme 2011
DURATION: 8 months
ORGANIZATIONAL SETTING:
The Special Youth Programme fellowship consists of an initial 4 months fellowship at the Asia and Pacific Regional Office, followed by a continued fellowship of another 4 months in a UNFPA Country Office in the region. This programme is designed to give young people from developing countries opportunities to engage in policy development and programming; to help build the capacity of young people; and to sensitize young people and UNFPA staff on jointly addressing young people’s issues.
DUTIES AND RESPONSIBILITIES:
During the course of the programme, youth fellows will learn about UNFPA’s mandate, programmes and the issues we work on, attend and participate in UNFPA and UN events and meetings, undertake research and writing assignments on areas of interest, contribute to ongoing programmes, activities and initiatives and organize a final presentation to UNFPA staff on their projects and fellowships.
QUALIFICATIONS AND EXPERIENCE:
· Work or volunteer experience in areas of UNFPA’s mandate, which include population and development, young people’s sexual and reproductive health, humanitarian response, sexuality education, gender, culture, human rights, HIV prevention, poverty reduction and sustainable livelihoods.
· Aged between 20-24 years old (applicants born before 1 January 1987 will not be considered).
· Residence and nationality of a developing country (for a list, see http://www.unfpa.org/worldwide/).
· Interest and dedication to development issues established through previous experiences or affiliations.
· Commitment to return to home country to promote the ICPD mandate.
· Young people living with disabilities and indigenous young people are especially encouraged to apply.
All selected candidates will be provided return travel from country of origin, assistance with travel documents and visa requirements, health insurance, housing arrangements, a minimum subsistence allowance (for meals and other basic needs), a workstation and internet access, opportunities to be mentored by UNFPA staff on issues of interest and administrative assistance as may be required. A salary is not paid under this programme.
UNFPA provides a work environment that reflects the values of gender equality, teamwork, respect for diversity, integrity and a healthy balance of work and life. We are committed to maintaining our balanced gender distribution and therefore encourage women to apply.
How to Apply:
Applications are open! To apply, go to http://www.unfpa.org/employment/vacancy.htm and click on “Apply Online”. This is the only way to apply. Candidates from all regions are welcome to apply. Please click on the vacancy for your region. If you have any trouble applying, you can look at the instructions in the guide on how to apply (click here: http://www.unfpa.org/employment/application_guide.doc). Please note that there is no fee to apply.
The deadline for applications is 20 January 2011. Candidates that are shortlisted will be contacted by 15 February. Interviews will take place late-February and the fellowship is from April to December.
For more information, go to the Facebook Page “UNFPA Special Youth Programme”, follow @unfpayouth or #syp2011 on Twitter or email youth@unfpa.org. Due to the large number of queries, an immediate response may not be possible so please read this notice carefully. All the best!!!
JOB ID NO.: 1728
CLOSING DATE: 20 January 2011 (5pm New York time)
POST TITLE: Asia and Pacific- Special Youth Programme 2011
DURATION: 8 months
ORGANIZATIONAL SETTING:
The Special Youth Programme fellowship consists of an initial 4 months fellowship at the Asia and Pacific Regional Office, followed by a continued fellowship of another 4 months in a UNFPA Country Office in the region. This programme is designed to give young people from developing countries opportunities to engage in policy development and programming; to help build the capacity of young people; and to sensitize young people and UNFPA staff on jointly addressing young people’s issues.
DUTIES AND RESPONSIBILITIES:
During the course of the programme, youth fellows will learn about UNFPA’s mandate, programmes and the issues we work on, attend and participate in UNFPA and UN events and meetings, undertake research and writing assignments on areas of interest, contribute to ongoing programmes, activities and initiatives and organize a final presentation to UNFPA staff on their projects and fellowships.
QUALIFICATIONS AND EXPERIENCE:
· Work or volunteer experience in areas of UNFPA’s mandate, which include population and development, young people’s sexual and reproductive health, humanitarian response, sexuality education, gender, culture, human rights, HIV prevention, poverty reduction and sustainable livelihoods.
· Aged between 20-24 years old (applicants born before 1 January 1987 will not be considered).
· Residence and nationality of a developing country (for a list, see http://www.unfpa.org/worldwide/).
· Interest and dedication to development issues established through previous experiences or affiliations.
· Commitment to return to home country to promote the ICPD mandate.
· Young people living with disabilities and indigenous young people are especially encouraged to apply.
All selected candidates will be provided return travel from country of origin, assistance with travel documents and visa requirements, health insurance, housing arrangements, a minimum subsistence allowance (for meals and other basic needs), a workstation and internet access, opportunities to be mentored by UNFPA staff on issues of interest and administrative assistance as may be required. A salary is not paid under this programme.
UNFPA provides a work environment that reflects the values of gender equality, teamwork, respect for diversity, integrity and a healthy balance of work and life. We are committed to maintaining our balanced gender distribution and therefore encourage women to apply.
How to Apply:
Applications are open! To apply, go to http://www.unfpa.org/employment/vacancy.htm and click on “Apply Online”. This is the only way to apply. Candidates from all regions are welcome to apply. Please click on the vacancy for your region. If you have any trouble applying, you can look at the instructions in the guide on how to apply (click here: http://www.unfpa.org/employment/application_guide.doc). Please note that there is no fee to apply.
The deadline for applications is 20 January 2011. Candidates that are shortlisted will be contacted by 15 February. Interviews will take place late-February and the fellowship is from April to December.
For more information, go to the Facebook Page “UNFPA Special Youth Programme”, follow @unfpayouth or #syp2011 on Twitter or email youth@unfpa.org. Due to the large number of queries, an immediate response may not be possible so please read this notice carefully. All the best!!!
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